Religiøse og teokratiske ideologier

Den islamiske verden er i stigende grad præget af krig, terror, økonomisk misvækst og manglende demokrati. Kvinder, homoseksuelle og religiøse mindretal undertrykkes og forfølges. Stadig flere muslimer flygter derfor til Vesten, hvor integrationen af dem ofte fører til nye konflikter. Hvad er grunden til den elendige forfatning, ”Islams Hus” befinder sig i? Den hollandske sociolog Ruud Koopmans fremlægger i bogen resultaterne af den mest omfattende indsamling hidtil af statistisk materiale og andre facts og foretager den første sammenligning på empirisk grundlag af muslimske og ikke-muslimske lande og migrantgrupper verden over. Han når frem til, at en stor del af problemerne skyldes de fundamentalistiske strømninger i islam, som har bredt sig de seneste 40 år og i dag holder en stor del af den islamiske verden i et kvælertag. Koopmans mener ikke, at problemerne er uløselige, men det vil kræve et opgør med fundamentalismen, hvis udviklingen i de islamiske lande skal vendes. Bogen er derfor en forfriskende modvægt til såvel dem, der mener, at islam ikke kan reformeres, og som ser alt islamisk som problematisk, som dem, der på den anden side giver Vesten skylden for problemerne på grund af imperialisme, racisme og de krige, vestlige lande har været involveret i.Sagt om bogen:”Et standardværk for alle, der beskæftiger sig med udfordringerne i den islamiske verden og integrationen af muslimer i Europa.” Ayaan Hirsi Ali

Om litteratur, religion, tro, ytringsfrihed, konservatisme og kærlighed. I denne bog beskæftiger den franske forfatter Michel Houellebecq sig direkte med de emner, der altid har optaget ham. Her forklarer og perspektiverer han de positioner og holdninger, vi kender ham for, og som både provokerer og stimulerer. Bogen rummer desuden en række personlige samtaler og interviews, som giver et interessant og tankevækkende indblik i Houellebecqs overvejelser om sit eget forfatterskab, om inspirationskilderne og bevæggrundene til at skrive. Det er underholdende og oplysende læsning, og for de fleste vil der nok være et par overraskelser undervejs.

Den verdenskendte danske islamforsker, Patricia Crone, forsøger i Guds styre at rekonstruere og analysere islamisk politisk tænkning gennem de sekshundrede år, der gik fra islam opstod til mongolernes invasion. Gennem en original og ofte overraskende læsning af kilder ser hun som den første historiker på, hvordan muslimer i middelalderen så på spørgsmål, som i dag er afgørende for hvordan vi vesterlændinge må forstå islam: Spørgsmål som hvorfor stater er nødvendige, hvilken rolle, de bør spille, og hvorvidt og hvorfor de bør bygge på religiøse bestemmelser.

Paris 2022. Litteraturprofessoren François lever et liv med færdigretter, købesex og halvhjertede forhold til yngre kvindelige studerende. Det eneste han for alvor går op i er den dekadente forfatter Huysman, som han har skrevet afhandling om. Men med det forestående præsidentvalg begynder hans liv lige så stille at kæntre. For at undgå at det højreekstremistiske parti Front National kommer til magten går de øvrige partier i koalition med Det Muslimske Broderskab, og den karismatiske Mohammed Ben Abbes indsættes som landets nye præsident. Han indfører sharia-light, og efterhånden begynder det franske samfund at ændre sig: Kvinderne trækker sig fra arbejdsmarkedet, arbejdsløsheden falder markant og de universitetsansatte konverterer til islam - og også François må tage sit liv op til revision.

This volume breaks new ground by seeking to identify and focus on the challenges faced by any attempt to integrate democratic principles within the broad framework of Islamic thought and practice. It does so by harnessing the views of seventeen distinguished scholars from a range of disciplines who not only provide their own perspectives, but actively engage with the views of other contributors, thus producing arguments and synergies which are both erudite and convincing.The volume's first section 'Islam and Democracy' tackles head on the often-contested assertion that Islam is incompatible with democracy, because political authority in Islamic societies derives its legitimacy from scriptural not secular injunctions. This is followed by a discussion of the often-contentious issue of 'Islam and Sharia Law' leading into the examination of the vexed issue of 'Islam and the West.' Finally, the volume fosters the underdeveloped, but blatant question of womanhood and 'gender within Islam.'

INTRODUCTION The life and works of Mohondas Karamchand Gandhi, popularly known as Bapuji, the father of Indian nation, have been extensively discussed by many scholars. However, there are still many unexplored virgin areas that require further study. Gandhi's thought on religion is one such area. Religion is of primary importance in understanding Gandhi's life. Religious thought inspired him to work for the swaraj of the whole nation and dedicate his own life for the humanity. Understanding his conception of religion is necessary for understanding his philosophy of life and action. He interpreted the secular sphere of life in moral and religious terminologies. His approach is experimental, critical and rational. He intended to renew the moral and spiritual culture of Indian civilization and bring a gradual and subtle transformation in human life by emphasizing the ethico-religious principles of truth and non-violence. He was an inspiring spiritual leader with a strong religious bent of mind. Although in his writings he stated that he was neither constructing any new system of philosophy of life nor a new religion, and that he was neither teaching any new creed nor propounding any new sect, we find a common underlying thread running through all of them,

Hvordan ender tre søskende, der er født i Danmark med kurdisk-tyrkisk baggrund, med at blive så fanatiske tilhængere af den mest fundamentalistiske udgave af islam, at de vier deres liv til Islamisk Stat? Det fortæller ”Radikaliseret” om ved at give et unikt indblik i det ekstreme, islamistiske miljø i Danmark. De to unge kvinder rejser til Raqqa, hovedstaden i Kalifatet – det muslimske tusindårsrige, Islamisk Stat udråbte. Storebroren køber for mange hundrede tusinde kroner droner og dronedele, som sendes ned til Islamisk Stat. Det giver ham senere en straf på 10 års fængsel, mens de to søstre i dag lever i en by i Tyrkiet, uden mulighed for at vende tilbage til Danmark. Den dansk-kurdiske journalist Deniz Serinci beskriver i denne fascinerende, informative og skræmmende bog, hvordan radikaliseringen forløber, og han portrætterer en række af de mennesker, der færdes i miljøet, og som har medvirket til radikaliseringen. Det gælder bl.a. Basil Hassan, der forsøgte at dræbe islamkritikeren Lars Hedegaard.Han har i sin research talt med snesevis af familiemedlemmer og venner af de tre søskende, læst domsudskrifter og selv rejst i området. Deniz Serinci har i mange år rejst i Mellemøsten, herunder i de områder, Islamisk Stat udråbte til Kalifat. I forbindelse med bogen har han interviewet snesevis af kilder, der har kendt familien eller som har bevæget sig i de radikaliserede miljøer, læst et hav af domsudskrifter og andre kilder – og i det hele taget trukket på sin store viden om både Mellemøsten og det danske indvandrermiljø.

Philosophy as we understand it, explores different concepts and ideas which are of prime significance in the ways we live. It gives a deeper insight into the fundamental concepts of life. Political Philosophy, a branch of philosophy deals with the study of people in society focusing especially on the claims one bears on another in the form of rights and obligations and their demands for justice, equality and liberty. The other task of political philosophy is conceptual analysis and clarification of political concepts. My research project focuses on these aspects of philosophy.

Assam is a state in the north-eastern region of India. Assam shares international boundaries with Bangladesh in the south-west and with Bhutan in the north. Assam is bordered by six inter-state boundaries within the federation of India; Arunachal Pradesh in the north, Nagaland and Manipur to the east, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram to the south and West Bengal to the west. There are two major river valleys namely Brahmaputra and Barak Valley in Assam. Figure 1.1The population of Assam is classified into five broad groups: a) Assamese community including Hindu and Muslim, b) Bengali Hindus, c) Bengali Muslims, d) Hill tribes and e) Tea garden communities (Baruah, 1980). Assam is the fourteenth most populous state in India with a total population of 31,169,272 (Census, 2011). According to 2001 Census, religions practiced in Assam are- Hinduism (64.9%), Islam (30.92%), Christianity (3.70%), Buddhism (0.19%), Sikh (0.08%), Jain (0.09%) and others (0.13%) (Census, 2001). Assam, until a few decades ago, was a very peaceful state of India with its people of different religious and ethnic backgrounds living in harmony. With its fertile lands, plenty of natural resources and ample economic opportunity Assam always attracted people not only from other states of India but also from other countries. As a result, over the centuries, various migrant groups entered Assam from the neighboring countries including China, Myanmar and South-East Asia. Most of the migrants were Mongoloid tribes. The Ahom, one of the Mongoloid tribes, once ruled Assam for nearly 600 years (1228-1826 AD). Many Historians hypothesize that the very name ¿Assam¿ might have come for representing the Ahom reign (Gait, 1906). Migration to Assam is an age old process, which continued from ancient times through the British colonial period till today from its neighboring countries such as Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan as well as from other states of India such as Bihar, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. Migrants from Bangladesh, Bihar, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh work as manual laborers, peasants, hawkers, rickshaw pullers etc. Most of those migrants now have assimilated with Assamese community and started introducing themselves as Assamese and have settled in Assam permanently. The migrated Muslims

The State and Revolution is considered to be Lenin's most important work on the state and has been called by Lucio Colletti "Lenin's greatest contribution to the political theory". According to the Marxologist David McLellan, "the book had its origin in Lenin's argument with Bukharin in the summer of 1916 over the existence of the state after a proletarian revolution. Bukharin had emphasized the 'withering' aspect, whereas Lenin insisted on the necessity of the state machinery to expropriate the expropriators. In fact, it was Lenin who changed his mind, and many of the ideas of State and Revolution, composed in the summer of 1917 - particularly the anti-Statist theme - were those of Bukharin".

This is a story that explains much. It will not give references to be checked because I want to present it not as a scholarly word of man but as a holy word of the Lord. However, you can check for yourself the truth of that which is stated as fact. Remember, we heard no more of Cain after God put him out of Eden; and remember, too, that science and the Bible both agree that Eden, the place of man's creation was in Africa. From the north of Africa to its southern tip, man was and is of darker hues. God sits high and sees all; and without repentance, the day of reckoning will fall mightily. It's time to awake from the dream you've been living and the nightmare that you have caused others to live because of your fear and your greed. These ramblings of hopeful insight presented here are simply intended to prick the hearts and minds of my brothers and sisters who claim Christ to turn things around in this country, our country, so that God doesn't have to send more drastic measures of His displeasure to us.

This book is all about the plight of Sikhs all over the globe and especially in India. From the pre-independence era, thousands of Sikhs have laid their lives for the then undivided India. During India's independence struggle, thousands of Sikh warriors fought against British rules. The partition of India in 1947, was the division of British India into two independent dominions, India and Pakistan. Post-independence, Pakistan and the Congress party of India both played Ping-Pong with the Sikhs by indirectly luring them in the name of 'Khalistan'. The Khalistan movement was the Sikh secessionist movement. Promoted as a separatist campaign, its goal was to create a homeland for Sikhs by seceding Indian Punjab from India and establishing a sovereign, ethnoreligious Sikh state called Kh¿list¿n ('Land of the Khalsa'), in the Punjab region.The disillusioned Sikhs agitated several times and the protests resulted in irreparable violence. The 1984 Delhi Anti-Sikh riots caused the death of nearly 3,000 Sikhs. It was followed by the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India, on October 31, 1984, by her guards at the gate. Almost 38 years later, most of its masterminds and perpetrators remain scot-free. On the other hand, all the Sikh youth who were then arrested on some pretext or the other have completed their punishments, but are still languishing in jail. Most of them are now senior citizens.After 75 years of independence, the struggle of preserving the Sikh cultural existence is still ongoing. The enemies keep changing from time to time but the struggle is never-ending. If they agitate for their rights, the Indian media demean them by calling them Khalistani extremists. Not only does Punjab lack job opportunities, but also faces issues such as water and gutter meters. The Sikh youth are lured into drugs and dope so that they don't question the authorities. The Sikhs are still struggling with identity crises; they are still waiting for justice and they want their people to come out of jail. They want their wounds to be healed and they want the government to be fair to them.Giving various references, the writer has also traversed through VD Savarkar's acceptance of Sikhs and the Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray's love-hate relationship with the community. He shielded them during most of the crucial period and also warned them when they created riot-like situations in Maharashtra. Above all the writer has expressed her worry over the virtual Khalistan movement groups that are poisoning the young minds. The book also writes about Saint Bhindranwale's reform work and his continued fight for a separate Sikh state which owes its origin to the Punjabi Suba Movement. TheAkali Dal - a Sikh-dominated political party - sought to create a separate Sikh Suba or Province.For the Sikh community, Bhindranwale is the most respected freedom fighter, saint and political combatant, whereas, his extreme measures taken against established tags label him as an extremist. This political awkwardness has caused too much impairment to the Sikh Commoners. This is all about the Battles of Betrayals of the Sikh community.

»Militarization of Saints in Premodern and Modern Times«This book is devoted to the history of military saints from late antiquity to the mid 20th century. Researchers from different national backgrounds and disciplines, such as theology, art history, and history, trace major dynamics, differences, and commonalities in the militarization of saints in the eastern and western Christian traditions. This book suggests that situations of danger and instability often result in the »reactivation« of the military saints' potential, followed by periods of »demilitarization«.

Allahs fængsel er en dramatisk selvbiografi om en ung muslims vej væk fra islam til at blive ateist – og den høje pris, han måtte betale. Det er den første bog på dansk om emnet, og en af de første i det hele taget. 26-årige palæstinensiske Waleed al-Husseini er i dag en fri mand. Men friheden har kostet ham dyrt. I 2010 blev han fængslet af det palæstinensiske selvstyre på Vestbredden, anklaget for at forlade islam og blive ateist. Han sad fængslet i over 7 måneder og blev tortureret. Som blogger havde al-Husseini siden teenageårene skrevet religionskritiske tekster med fordømmelser af, hvad han ser som tilbagestående, voldelige og kvindefjendske måder at praktisere islam på. Men i de palæstinensiske selvstyreområder kan man ikke bare forlade Islam. al-Husseini blev dæmoniseret og fremstillet som "Offentlighedens Værste Fjende". I Allahs fængsel fortæller han om sin vej væk fra islam, om at blive udstødt af familie og venner og om sit langvarige, smertefulde ophold i palæstinensiske fængsler, hvor han blev udsat for både fysisk og psykisk tortur, før han efter internationalt pres fik asyl i Frankrig. Allahs fængsel, der længe lå på de franske bestsellerlister, er et stærkt og reflekteret personligt vidnesbyrd fra en trodsig og uforfærdet rebel. Waleed al-Husseini fortæller levende om livet i et samfund, der er paralyseret af indre og ydre konflikter, et korrupt magtapparat og en religion, der spiller en altdominerende rolle i hverdagen. Bogen er samtidig et flammende forsvar for oplysningstidens idealer fra en ung mand, der trods omgivelsernes overvældende modstand insisterer på at være fritænker og på at fastholde sin kamp for retten til ytringsfrihed og religionskritik.