Religion og politik

Published in 2008, Massacre at Mountain Meadows was a bombshell of a book, revealing the story of one of the worst moments in Latter-day Saint history, when settlers in southwestern Utah slaughtered more than 100 members of a California-bound wagon train in 1857. In this much-anticipated sequel, Richard E. Turley Jr. and Barbara Jones Brown examine the aftermath of this horrific event, tracing the stories of perpetrators and survivors alike, showing how southern Utah leaders worked to silence participants and witnesses in an attempted cover up, and answering the question of what role, if any, Brigham Young played in the cover-up.

RELIGION / Christian Theology / Ethics RELIGION / Christian Rituals and Practice / General >US$26.00 Andrew Blosser The Ethics of Doing Nothing: Rituals, and the Modern World

Whilst many assume that conservative evangelical support for Trump is motivated by his position on social issues such as abortion and LGBTQ rights, or a nostalgia for an imagined American golden age, this book shows that the reality is much more complex by looking at a more recent and understudied trend of Evangelicalism in America. Damon T. Berry examines how leaders within the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR), a charismatically inclined Evangelical movement, claim their support for Trump came from alleged prophetic visions that compelled them to defend Trump's candidacy, and to continue to defend his presidency, re-election against demonically inspired, Marxist, "Deep State" enemies. In this conspiratorial cosmology, spiritual warfare through prayer and political activism is the duty of the faithful so that they might protect Trump as God's anointed leader and war against malevolent, unpatriotic forces that oppose him, the nation, and God himself. Working from primary source materials produced by leading figures among the NAR, Berry argues that this conspiratorial discourse is central to NAR support for Trump's candidacy, presidency, and re-election effort, and that this discourse has come to shape some of the most important debates among American religious conservatives in the 21st century.

Mark Driscoll built Mars Hill Church into one of the fastest growing, most innovative, and most influential churches in the country. The ever-colorful Driscoll crafted a hypermasculine theology, redefining Jesus from a "a hippie in a dress" to Warrior, Victor, and King. While Driscoll's church spectacularly imploded, his hypermasculine theology is foundational to understanding evangelical support for politicians like Donald Trump and the rise of Christian nationalism.

Sozialkapital als interdisziplinares Konzept bietet einen nutzlichen konzeptionellen Rahmen, die gesellschaftliche Rolle von Religion in einer ubergeordneten theoretischen Perspektive zu thematisieren und zu untersuchen. Anknupfend an den bisherigen Forschungsstand wird in diesem Buch ein Modell hergeleitet, welches ein theoretisches Fundament fur die komplexe Beziehung zwischen Sozialkapital und Religion bildet. Dieses Modell zum religiosen Sozialkapital wird anschliessend anhand einer Sekundaranalyse fur die Schweiz angewandt, wodurch wichtige aktuelle Erkenntnisse fur Religion, Wirtschaft und Politik gewonnen werden

Aristotle's life was primarily that of a scholar. However, like the other ancient philosophers, it was not the stereotypical ivory tower existence. His father was court physician to Amyntas III of Macedon, so Aristotle grew up in a royal household. Aristotle also knew Philip of Macedon (son of Amyntas III) and there is a tradition that says Aristotle tutored Philip's son Alexander, who would later be called "the Great" after expanding the Macedonian Empire all the way to what is now India. Clearly, Aristotle had significant firsthand experience with politics, though scholars disagree about how much influence, if any, this experience had on Aristotle's thought. There is certainly no evidence that Alexander's subsequent career was much influenced by Aristotle's teaching, which is uniformly critical of war and conquest as goals for human beings and which praises the intellectual, contemplative lifestyle. It is noteworthy that although Aristotle praises the politically active life, he spent most of his own life in Athens, where he was not a citizen and would not have been allowed to participate directly in politics. Aristotle studied under Plato at Plato's Academy in Athens, and eventually opened a school of his own (the Lyceum) there. As a scholar, Aristotle had a wide range of interests. He wrote about meteorology, biology, physics, poetry, logic, rhetoric, and politics and ethics, among other subjects. His writings on many of these interests remained definitive for almost two millennia. They remained, and remain, so valuable in part because of the comprehensiveness of his efforts. For example, in order to understand political phenomena, he had his students collect information on the political organization and history of 158 different cities. The Politics makes frequent reference to political events and institutions from many of these cities, drawing on his students' research. Aristotle's theories about the best ethical and political life are drawn from substantial amounts of empirical research. (Source: The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy)

This concise book examines the decline and erosion of UMNO as a dominant political party of Malaysia through the perspective of Ibn Khaldun's theory of asabiyyah and umran. It uses the qualitative method of data collection from Ibn Khaldun's original works. After discussing Ibn Khaldun's theory of asabiyyah and umran, UMNOs umranic contributions and erosion of Malay asabiyyah are discussed in detail. The research outlines how asabiyyah led to UMNOs rise to prominence, gain of political power, bringing of progress and development of Malaysia to an umranic stage before it started to decline and erode in concordance with the five stages of Ibn Khaldun's theory of rise and fall of civilizations. This book highlights that early leaders of UMNO played significant role in fostering group feeling and solidarity of the Malays (asabiyyah). Asabiyyah was the engine that propelled UMNO to transform the Malays and Malaysia to an umranic society. In conclusion, the later leaders of UMNO contributedto weakening of the Malay asabiyyah and the fall of UMNO from power in the 14th General Elections in 2018. The process of UMNOs decline and erosion of political power is primarily caused by the leaders¿ failures and shortcomings. The author, a Malaysian lawyer and long-standing Minister in the Prime Minister's Department, Minister of Justice, Minister of Defence, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Minister of Home Affairs in the Barisan Nasional in Malaysia, concludes with the recommendation that for UMNO to be relevant again in the current political landscape, it must initiate new and serious approaches and initiatives to change itself and must focus on good governance and rule of law in a multi-ethnic Malaysian society. Relevant to scholars and practitioners in political science, sociology, and Islamic studies, this book is a landmark commentary on contemporary Malaysian politics, drawing from the author's own experience as a member of parliament in his various ministerial positions over three decades.

"How modernity creates atheists--and what the church must do about it. Millions of people in the West identify as atheists. Christians often respond to this reality with proofs of God's existence, as though rational arguments for atheism were the root cause of unbelief. In Bulwarks of Unbelief, Joseph Minich argues that a felt absence of God, as experienced by the modern individual, offers a better explanation for the rise in atheism. Recent technological and cultural shifts in the modern West have produced a perceived challenge to God's existence. As modern technoculture reshapes our awareness of reality and belief in the invisible, it in turn amplifies God's apparent silence. In this new context, atheism is a natural result. And absent of meaning from without, we have turned within. Christians cannot escape this aspect of modern life. Minich argues that we must consciously and actively return to reality. If we reattune ourselves to God's story, reintegrate the whole person, and reinhabit the world, faith can thrive in this age of unbelief.

Much has been written about the law as it affects new and minority religions, but relatively little has been written about how such religions react to the law. This book presents a wide variety of responses by minority religions to the legal environments within which they find themselves.An international panel of experts offer examples from North America, Europe and Asia demonstrating how religions with relatively little status may resort to violence or passive acceptance of the law; how they may change their beliefs or practices in order to be in compliance with the law; or how they may resort to the law itself in order to change their legal standing, sometimes by forging alliances with those with more power or authority to achieve their goals. The volume concludes by applying theoretical insights from sociological studies of law, religion and social movements to the variety of responses.The first systematic collection focussing on how minority religions respond to efforts at social control by various governmental agents, this book provides a vital reference for scholars of religion and the law, new religious movements, minority religions and the sociology of religion.

Neeti Nair explores the trend toward legal protection for the religious "sentiments" of majorities in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Nair offers historical context for contemporary persecution and rising religious fundamentalism, and highlights how growing political solicitation of religious sentiments has fueled a secular resistance.

How did liberationist Christianity develop in Argentina between the 1930s and early 1970s? And how did it respond to state terrorism during the Dirty War?How did liberation theology develop in Argentina between the 1930s and early 1970s? And how did it respond to state terrorism during the Dirty War? Understanding the movement to be dynamic and highly diverse, this book reveals that ecclesial and political conflicts, especially over Peronism and celibacy, were at the heart of the construction of a liberationist Christian identity, which simultaneously internalised deep tensions over its relationship to the Catholic Church. It first situates the rise of a revolutionary Christian impulse in Argentina within changes in society, in Catholicism and Protestantism and in Marxism in the 1930s, before analysing how the phenomenon coalesced in the late sixties into a coherent social movement. Finally, the book examines the responses of liberationist Christians to the intense period of repression under the presidency of Isabel Peron and the rule of the military junta between 1974 and 1983. By exploring these distinct responses and uncovering the heterogeneity of liberationist Christianity, the book offers a fresh analysis of a movement that occupies a major role in the popular memory of the period of state terror, and provides a corrective to narratives that depict the movement as monolithic or as a passive victim of the dictatorship.

Hvorfor er verdens opmærksomhed fokuseret på det lille land Israel?Hvordan kan mellemøsten opnå sand retfærdighed og fred?Hvordan har Israels historie og fremtid indflydelse på kristne i dag?Disse spørgsmål er blandt de mange, som Derek Prince tager fat på i dette grundige studium af Guds profetier angående Israels land og Israels folk. Grundig bibelsk analyse åbenbarer, hvordan Israels skæbne er sammenvævet med Kirkens skæbne. Israel er i dag i centrum af en stærk magtkonflikt, men Gud har oprettet bestemte pagter både med Israel og Kirken. Derfor må Israels genoprettelse være et alvorligt anliggende for kristne, hvis Skriftens troværdighed ikke skal drages i tvivl. Derek Prince kalder derfor kristne til at anerkende deres åndelige gæld til Israel og til at holde Israel oppe i bøn.Derek Prince (1915-2003) er forfatter til over 50 bøger og mere end 700 undervisninger på lyd- og videobånd. Meget af det er blevet oversat og udgivet på mere end 100 sprog. Hans radioprogrammer, bøger, lyd- og videobånd berører fortsat menneskers liv i hele verden.

Doing theology requires dissension and tenacity. Dissension is required when scriptural texts, and the colonial bodies and traditions (read: Babylon) that capitalize upon those, inhibit or prohibit "rising to life." With "nerves" to dissent, the attentions of the first cluster of essays extend to scriptures and theologies, to borders and native peoples. The title for the first cluster - "talking back with nerves, against Babylon" - appeals to the spirit of feminist (to talk back against patriarchy) and RastafarI (to chant down Babylon) critics. The essays in the second cluster - titled "persevering with tenacity, through shitstems" - testify that perseverance is possible, and it requires tenacity. Tenacity is required so that the oppressive systems of Babylon do not have the final word. These two clusters are framed by two chapters that set the tone and push back at the usual business of doing theology, inviting engagement with the wisdom and nerves of artists and poets, and two closing chapters that open up the conversation for further dissension and tenacity. Doing theology with dissension and tenacity is unending.