Politisk forskning og politisk teori

AN INSTANT NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLERFrom New York Times Bestselling author Scott Galloway comes an urgent examination of the future of America and the reasons behind its current social and economic crisisIn Adrift, Scott Galloway looks from the past to the present - from 1945 to the 2020s - to reveal how America has reached its current state of political, social and economic crisis. It is on the brink of massive change, change that will disrupt the working of its economy and drastically impact its financial backbone, the middle class. Telling America's story through 100 charts, Galloway demonstrates how crises such as Jim Crow, World War II, and the Stock Market Crash of 2008, as well as the escalating power of technology, an entrenched white patriarchy, and the socio-economic effects of the pandemic, created today's perfect storm. Adrift seeks to make sense of it all, and offers Galloway's unique take on where America is headed and what it will become. It's a vital guide for anyone who wants to understand the state the country is in and how and why its influence on the world has changed.

'Gonzo brilliance ... unique and highly entertaining' Financial Times'Revelatory reading' Adam Tooze, author of Crashed'After reading Quinn Slobodian's new book, you are not likely to think about capitalism the same way' JacobinLook at a map of the world and you'll see a neat patchwork of nation-states. But this is not where power actually resides. From the 1990s onwards, globalization has shattered the map, leading to an explosion of new legal entities: tax havens, free ports, city-states, gated enclaves and special economic zones. These new spaces are freed from ordinary forms of regulation, taxation and mutual obligation - and with them, ultracapitalists believe that it is possible to escape the bonds of democratic government and oversight altogether.Historian Quinn Slobodian follows the most notorious radical libertarians - from Milton Friedman to Peter Thiel - around the globe as they search for the perfect home for their free market fantasy. The hunt leads from Hong Kong in the 1970s to South Africa in the late days of apartheid, from the neo-Confederate South to the medieval City of London, and finally into the world's oceans and war zones, charting the relentless quest for a blank slate where capitalism and democracy can be finally uncoupled.Crack-Up Capitalism is a propulsive history of the recent past, and an alarming view of our near future.

A history of the pervasive idea that politics is a marketplace.An original interpretation of the neoliberal order's origins, The Marketizers is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand the marketization of politics since the 1980s. The book traces the origins of the neoliberal order to public choice theory and argues that the reinvention of government on the model of the market would have been unimaginable without the emergence of this body of thought. The separation of provision and production in public services, the introduction of competition between service providers, the treatment of citizens as customers, and the use of performance incentives all have origins in the writings of public choice theorists.From the 1940s through the 1980s, these marketizers gradually eroded the differences between politics and the market as they applied the tools of economics to problems usually considered the purview of political scientists and political philosophers. In response to the extraordinary postwar growth in American public expenditures, they reimagined politics as a marketplace, redefined the relationship between the state and its citizens as a commercial transaction between a firm and its customers, and argued for the marketization of government.

Den kontroversielle tyske rets- og statsteoretiker Carl Schmitts (1888-1985) forfatterskab har siden 1930´erne været emne for en omfattende international debat. Kan man skelne manden fra værket, der er blevet læst, kritiseret og anvendt af tænkere fra højre til venstre og i fagene teologi, jura, politologi, filosofi, idéhistorie, litteratur etc.? Carl Schmitt, som den politiske tænker Hans Morgenthau kaldte ´den ondeste mand i live´ og som i 1933 meldte sig ind i nazistpartiet. En af de væsentligste grunde til Schmitts genkomst er en voksende utilfredshed med den liberaldemokratiske ´kolonisering´ af kloden, hvor ikke-liberale styreformer og værdisæt i stigende grad problematiseres og kriminaliseres. Men også en række samfundsmæssige forandringer har bidraget til den nyere interesse for Schmitt: murens fald og amerikansk hegemoni har bragt spørgsmålet om verdensordenen øverst på dagsordenen; de nye krige og humanitære interventioner gør det vigtigt at diskutere krig som politisk middel; og på forskellig vis udstiller globalisering og terrorisme en krise for nationalstaten. Denne introduktion til de centrale problemstillinger i Carl Schmitts politiske tænkning er den første af sin art i Danmark og henvender sig både til den, der har kendskab til Schmitts værk og til den, der ønsker en introduktion til diverse aspekter af hans tænkning. Antologiens forfattere diskuterer ud fra forskellige synsvinkler og traditioner, og hvordan - hvis overhovedet - man kan anvende hans analyser og kategorier på såvel historiske som på nutidige problemstillinger.

Politik er et samfundsfænomen, der berører alle, fra vugge til grav. Det er samtidig et fænomen, der ofte sår splid blandt borgerne. Skal ejendomsskatterne hæves? Giver ytringsfrihed ret til at kritisere religiøse anskuelser? Nogle vil mene ja, andre nej. Alligevel går udviklingen ikke i stå. Politik er også et håndværk - en ledelseskunst, der vedrører eliters evne til at træffe rimelige og effektive beslutninger. Politik angår i videre forstand forholdet mellem befolkningens og eliternes syn på samfundets indretning og udvikling.Politik i det moderne samfund behandler ældre og nyere teoretiske opfattelser af, hvad politik er, og hvordan politiske fænomener bør undersøges. Bogen omhandler amerikansk systemanalyse, marxistisk stats- og klasseteori, skillelinjeteori, diskursanalyse, nyinstitutionel teori og Jürgen Habermas´ teori om den borgerlige offentlighed. Alle retninger fremhæver vigtige sider af den politiske virkelighed, men de fleste forsømmer institutionelle aspekter. Forfatteren formulerer en ny definition af politik, der retter op på denne svaghed. Samlet tilbydes forskere og studerende en let tilgængelig og bred drøftelse af statskundskabens kerneområde. Jens Peter Frølund Thomsen er lektor i komparativ politik ved Institut for Statskundskab, Aarhus Universitet. Han er forfatter til en række bøger og artikler om politisk teori og aktuelle samfundsforhold. Har senest udgivet bogen Konflikten om de nye danskere (2006).

Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) er en af den politiske idéhistories mest kontroversielle og indflydelsesrige tænkere. Han beskrev mennesket som en ulv blandt ulve, konstant engageret i en overlevelseskamp og menneskelivet som ”ensomt, fattigt, modbydeligt, brutalt og kort”. For at overvinde denne alles krig mod alle var der behov for en stærk suveræn med ubegrænsede beføjelser.Både beskrivelsen af mennesket og Hobbes’ løsning er blevet kritiseret, afvist og udskældt fra dengang til i dag, men den udfordring, han stillede den politiske tænkning overfor, består:Hvordan sikrer man fred mellem mennesker, der kun er optaget af deres egne liv? Hvordan undgår man, at kampen for overlevelse bliver til krig? Hvilken statsform kan tæmme frie, men også begærlige, passionerede mennesker?I denne bog introduceres til Hobbes’ liv og tænkning. Vi gennemgår hans historiske og filosofiske baggrund for at skrive, som han gør; vi udlægger og dissekerer detaljerne og argumenterne i hans tænkning; og vi diskuterer hans indflydelse på senere tiders politiske tænkning og aktuelle relevans.Bogen er den første herhjemme, der har Hobbes’ politiske tænkning som omdrejningspunkt, og bogen indeholder også fyldige uddrag af hans egne tekster, herunder det formodentligt vigtigste enkeltværk i moderne, europæisk, politisk tænkning, Leviathan.IndholdsoversigtRedaktionelt forordKapitel 1. Hobbes’ biografiKapitel 2. Leviathan og BehemothKapitel 3. Fra naturtilstand til samfundKapitel 4. International naturtilstandKapitel 5. Menneskets naturKapitel 6. Fortolknings- og definitionsrettenKapitel 7. Jesus er KristusKapitel 8. Geometrisk politikKapitel 9. Den dobbelte bundKapitel 10. Hobbes og eftertidenKapitel 11. AfslutningUddrag af Hobbes’ originalteksterBibliografi

Jürgen Habermas hører til blandt vores samtids allervigtigste og mest indflydelsesrige tænkere. Han har siden begyndelsen af 1960'erne og frem til i dag sat dybt præg på debatten ikke blot blandt filosoffer, sociologer og politologer, men også i den offentlighed, som han selv ser som demokratiets vigtigste institution. Habermas har dedikeret sit liv til at vise, at muligheden for herredømmefri interaktion og en særlig form for fornuft er indbygget i hverdagssproget. Formålet med hans kritiske samfundsteori er dels at analysere, hvilke forhold der truer den kommunikative fornuft i senmoderne samfund og dels at undersøge, under hvilke betingelser denne fornuft kan komme til sin ret inden for demokratiet. Habermas udvikler konstant sin teori til at kunne analysere de nye udfordringer, som samfundsudviklingen stiller os overfor. I de senere år har han bl.a. leveret vigtige bidrag til diskussionen om forholdet mellem politik og religion og om globaliseringens betydning for demokratiet.Denne bog præsenterer de dele af Habermas' teoriapparat, som er forudsætningen for at kunne forstå hans bidrag til studiet af politik og samfund.Christian F. Rostbøll, Institut for Statskundskab, Københavns Universitet.IndholdsoversigtRedaktionelt forordKapitel 1. Habermas' liv, indflydelse og relevansKapitel 2. Den sproglige vending og formalpragmatikkenKapitel 3. SamfundsteoriKapitel 4. DiskursetikKapitel 5. Demokrati og retKapitel 6. Hinsides nationalstatemNøglebegreberUdvalgte teksterLitteratur

Politisk psykologi er feltet mellem samfundsfag og psykologi. Her ser man blandt andet på, hvad holdninger er, og hvordan man kan påvirke dem.Bogen består af tre dele:Første del handler om holdninger, og hvordan man forsker i dem.Anden del fokuserer på overtalelsespsykologien, der giver indblik i, hvordan politikere eller medier kan påvirke vores holdninger.Sidste del omhandler det politiske spil om magten fra et leder-, parti- og forhandlingsperspektiv.Politisk psykologi inddrager løbende relevant forskning såvel som praktiske eksempler fra den politiske hverdag. Med bogens mange cases, faktabokse og opgaver er der mulighed for at tilpasse bogen til den enkelte

Why some cities are more effective than others at reducing inequalities in the built environment: urban governance in São Paulo and Johannesburg For the first time in history, most people live in cities. One in seven are living in slums, the most excluded parts of cities, in which the basics of urban life--including adequate housing, accessible sanitation, and reliable transportation--are largely unavailable. Why are some cities more successful than others in reducing inequalities in the built environment? In Urban Power, Benjamin Bradlow explores this question, examining the effectiveness of urban governance in two "megacities" in young democracies: São Paulo, Brazil, and Johannesburg, South Africa. Both cities came out of periods of authoritarian rule with similarly high inequalities and similar policy priorities to lower them. And yet São Paulo has been far more successful than Johannesburg in improving access to basic urban goods. Bradlow examines the relationships between local government bureaucracies and urban social movements that have shaped these outcomes. Drawing on sixteen months of fieldwork in both cities, including interviews with informants from government agencies, political leadership, social movements, private developers, bus companies, and water and sanitation companies, Bradlow details the political and professional conflicts between and within movements, governments, private corporations, and political parties. He proposes a bold theoretical approach for a new global urban sociology that focuses on variations in the coordination of local governing power, arguing that the concepts of "embeddedness" and "cohesion" explain processes of change that bridge external social mobilization and the internal coordinating capacity of local government to implement policy changes.

Det spørgsmål, som den destituerende opstand stiller, går givetvis på, hvordan man skal afmontere og forlade lovenes system, men endnu mere på, hvordan det kan være muligt at gøre det, uden at man umiddelbart efter indgår i det igen.— Marcello TarìDenne bog indeholder bidrag af forfattere tilhørende kredsen om den usynlige komité, der ikke findes længere, men som igangsatte drøftelsen af begrebet destitution for ti år siden. Destitutionens begreb og historie kan forklare spændingen mellem teori og praksis og analysere overgangen fra opstand til revolution: Radikaliserede anarkismen den borgerlige revolutions satsning på frihed, lighed og broderskab, og begrundede den videnskabelige socialisme arbejderbevægelsens bestræbelse på at ophæve formerne løn, pris og profit i kapitalismen, så samler destitutionen erfaringer og vidnesbyrd fra de seneste 14 års statsundergravende kampe.

Why is the metaphor of the "Founding Fathers" so insidious--and how does it impact American politics?American politicians routinely invoke the metaphor of the "Founding Fathers" when referring to the men who supposedly set the United States on a path to greatness. On average, the term "Founding Fathers" is uttered by a congressional member every single day that Congress is in session. Why is this metaphor repeated constantly--and what effect does it have on policy? In Invoking the Fathers, communication scholar Sarah Kornfield links this rhetorical strategy to the rise of patriarchal white supremacy and Christian nationalism in the United States.Using the House and the Senate as the objects of her study, Kornfield traces the trope of fatherhood across congressional discourse and theorizes a rhetoric of sovereignty in which the founders' most obvious heirs--white Christian men--inherit America and its governance. Congressional politicians use this metaphor in four ways: to supposedly advocate for rights and liberties, to demand checks and balances, to celebrate American exceptionalism, and to call for bipartisan politics. These four situations are all, at their core, disputes over what kind of nation America is or should be. Metaphors are not harmless, Kornfield argues, and this one is particularly pernicious: the fatherhood metaphor is taken up and violently embodied by men's rights groups, white supremacist groups, and Christian nationalists. Ultimately, the book demonstrates how this gendered metaphor creates and reinforces a legislative system in which some are considered more equal than others.

How a coalition of Black health professions schools made health equity a national issue.Racism in the US health care system has been deliberately undermining Black health care professionals and exacerbating health disparities among Black Americans for centuries. These health disparities only became a mainstream issue on the agenda of US health leaders and policy makers because a group of health professions schools at Historically Black Colleges and Universities banded together to fight for health equity. We'll Fight It Out Here tells the story of how the Association of Minority Health Professions Schools (AMHPS) was founded by this coalition and the hard-won influence it built in American politics and health care. David Chanoff and Louis W. Sullivan, former secretary of health & human services, detail how the struggle for equity has been fought in the field of health care, where bias and disparities continue to be volatile national issues. Chanoff and Sullivan outline the history of Black health care, from pre-Emancipation to today, centering on the work of AMHPS, which brought to light health care inequities in 1983 and precipitated virtually all minority health care legislation since then. Based on extensive research in the literature, as well as more than seventy interviews with the people central to this fight for legislative and policy change, We'll Fight It Out Here is the important story of a vital coalition movement, virtually unknown until now, that changed the national understanding of health inequities.The work of this coalition of Black health schools continues, both in supporting the training of more doctors and health professionals from minority backgrounds and in advancing issues related to health equity. By highlighting these endeavors, We'll Fight It Out Here brings attention to a pivotal group in the history of the health equity movement and provides a road map of practical mechanisms that can be used to advance it.

Providing a cross-cutting contribution for the achievement of the 2030 Goals, this edited collection offers essential guidance for transforming the SDGs from agenda to reality.

"An in-depth look at the ways in which an emboldened effort to ungovern threatens to undermine the effective working of the administrative state. In this book, political theorists Nancy Rosenblum and Russell Muirhead, aim to identify and name a growing effort to undermine the workings of effective government. They call this "ungoverning." It is an unfamiliar name for an unfamiliar phenomenon, but one which has become increasingly strident in recent years. It is a root and branch attack on the functions and legitimacy of the administrative state, that unloved element of modern government that is necessary for everything people expect a modern state to do. The administrative state consists of the vast array of government agencies that shape, implement, adjudicate, and enforce public policies of every kind. It encompasses all those who carry on the day-to day business of government: the ordinary and routine, the wars and emergencies, and even the most basic function of a democracy: the oversight of free and fair elections. Ungoverning is the effort to reverse, by various methods, the already highly developed capacity of state to provide for its citizenry. It is different from state failure because it is a path deliberately chosen by politicians and agency heads who have a specific aim in mind. Ungoverning in the U.S., went from thinly veiled policy to open warfare, during the Trump presidency. Although efforts to ungovern were underway before his term in office, Trump clarified ungoverning as no one else could by forming the first presidential administration that was anti-administration. Rosenblum and Muirehead point to the incapacitation of a range of agencies from the Departments of State and Justice to Housing and Urban Development. Ungoverning did not come out of nowhere. The President brought decades of cultivated hostility toward government to a crescendo. Prior to that, even though over its history hostility toward the administrative state was expressed by both the Left and Right, there had been nothing like errant destruction of government capacity. But this is not just a story of the Trump administration. The damage ungoverning has done and can do remains a grave threat. Despite the Biden's admistration's efforts, reversing the corrosive effects of ungoverning cannot happen at a stroke. The capacity of a public agency takes many years to build. Replacing demoralized civil servants can take decades. The retail consequences of disdain for governing endure: As hard to reverse, and perhaps most serious for democracies, is public belief that neither the ability nor the will to govern exists. Ungoverning is, the authors argues, part of the constellation of actions that make up illiberal, anti-democratic politics with the end result being democratic erosion"--

The forefathers of the European Union, led by Jean Monnet, hoped to create a 'United States of Europe' with national sovereignties subordinated to a federal government. Few in Britain shared their dream. Yet Britain abandoned her aloof stand of 1950, and eventually joined the European Communities. Lord Beloff asks whether the key figures - Harold Macmillan, Sir Edward Heath and Harold Wilson, knowingly deceived the electorate into thinking that entry could be combined with the country's independence of action and historic constitution, or whether they thought that they could persuade continental statesmen from inside of the merits of a much looser structure. The actions and words of Lady Thatcher and John Major are scrutinised with this same question in mind, as are Labour's oscillations under Gaitskell, Wilson and Foot before plunging wholeheartedly into Eurofederalism under Kinnock and Blair. The key theme which emerges is of mutual misunderstanding between Britain and the continent, due to basic differences of outlook and interest, which have guaranteed continual controversy throughout our involvement in Europe.

Elizaveta Firsova-Eckert untersucht in diesem Buch die Auswirkungen des deutsch-israelischen Jugendaustauschs auf politische Bildungsprozesse zum Nahostkonflikt. Zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfrage wurde durch ein methodenkombiniertes Verfahren ein geeignetes Messinstrument entwickelt und anschließend bei ehemaligen Teilnehmer*innen und Interessent*innen des Austauschs eingesetzt. Die Daten des bundesweiten Samples wurden mittels statistischer Gruppenvergleiche analysiert, um mögliche Einflüsse des Austauschs zu ermitteln. Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung zeigen positive Einflüsse des Jugendaustauschs auf viele der betrachteten politischen Bildungsprozesse. Insbesondere konnten positive Effekte des Austauschs hinsichtlich der Erweiterung der Konzepte zum Nahostkonflikt nachgewiesen werden. Die Studie zeigt auch, dass tagesaktuelle Ereignisse im Nahostkonflikt einen signifikanten Einfluss auf die gemessenen politischen Bildungsprozesse haben.

¿Wie lässt sich Policy-Wandel in der Europäischen Union erklären? Tobias Rammel beantwortet diese Frage erstmals für die Gesamtheit des ordentlichen Gesetzgebungsverfahrens zur EU-Energiepolitik von 1992 bis 2019 im Rahmen einer Blended-Reading-Diskursanalyse. Rekurrierend auf eine Analyse des Forschungsstandes zur EU-Energiepolitik wird in diesem Buch argumentiert, dass eine theoretische Synthese der Arbeiten zur Diskursanalyse und zum Policy-Wandel die bisherigen Defizite der klassischen Theorieschulen ausgleichen kann. Methodisch wird in einem innovativen dreistufigen Forschungsdesign auf eine Blended-Reading-Kombination von Close-Reading in Form von unüberwachten Text-Mining-Verfahren (Topic Modeling) zur induktiv-explorativen Vorstrukturierung der Analyse und Distant-Reading in Form einer qualitativen Feinanalyse zur Interpretation und Kontextualisierung der Daten zurückgegriffen. Damit liefert das Buch eine bislang einzigartige und differenzierte Erklärung für Policy-Wandel und die dazugehörigen diskursiven Dynamiken zwischen den EU-Institutionen im COD der EU-Energiepolitik von 1992 bis 2019.

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

"Men in Political Theory" builds on feminist re-readings of the traditional canon of male writers in political philosophy by turning the "gender lens" on to the representation of men in widely studied texts. It explains the distinction between "man" as an apparently de-gendered "individual" or "citizen" and "man" as an overtly gendered being in human society. The ten chapters on Plato, Aristotle, Jesus, Augustine, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Marx and Engels show the operation of the "gender lens" in different ways, depending on how each philosopher deploys concepts of men and masculinity to pose and solve classic problems.

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

This book provides a critical account of federal asymmetry in India - its origins, context, forms and functioning - by taking into account the institutional effectiveness of asymmetric institutions in the regions for identity fulfillment, development and governance. It argues that while some asymmetry, de jure/ or de facto, is part of all federations for meeting some special circumstances, in India, which has followed a different path of federation building, asymmetric institutional solutions especially in the border areas have played a crucially important role in accommodating ethno-cultural diversity, ensuring law and order, a level of development and governance in a process that has turned the ¿rebels into stakeholders¿. Indiäs federal asymmetric designs and their working has been a key to holding the peripheries within the Union of India. The book utilizes both archival research and empirical survey data, as well as elite interviews.