Politisk forskning og politisk teori

De mange masseprotester, der har fundet sted siden 2011, har været kendetegnet ved et umiskendeligt be­hov for at udfordre, vælte og destruere de herskende politiske repræsentationer uden at foreslå nye. Det handler ikke om at erstatte den siddende regering eller leder med andre, og dermed få en bedre udgave af det, vi allerede har. Det handler om at komme af med alle lederne, inklusive de mest kritiske oppositionsledere; det drejer sig grundlæggende om at afvikle behovet for ledere. Det er en politisk handling, der hverken er klasse­kamp eller etableringen af en opposition til magt­haverne, men som tager form af et voldsomt raseri mod virkeligheden. I den forstand er det lige så meget et antropologisk som et politisk opgør, vi ser tage form i de mange protester, det er et forsøg på at vikle sig ud af alle de overleverede forestillinger om, hvordan den sociale sammenhæng, vi kalder et samfund og en nationalstat, organiseres. Det synes at stå tydeligt for flere og flere, at det ikke kan lade sig gøre at håndtere de mange kriser inden for rammerne af de politiske institutioner, vi har i dag.

Siden Fyrsten blev udgivet 1532 (tyve år efter den blev skrevet), har værket været ombrust af stærkt følelsesladet debat, dybt forkætret og højt beundret, i lige grad til inspiration for Shakespeare som for Hitler.Fyrsten er en lærebog i statsmandskunst, skrevet i en pessimistisk krisetid, og med opskrift på hvordan krisen kan løses. I bogen fremfører Machiavelli sin berømte og berygtede tanke om, at målet helliger midlerne, at f.eks. vold kan være berettiget til at opnå magt i en given situation.Problemstillingen har levet siden, hvad historien kun taler sit alt for tydelige sprog om, og Fyrsten er stadig et at de mest kontroversielle værker i verdenshistorien.

Det spørgsmål, som den destituerende opstand stiller, går givetvis på, hvordan man skal afmontere og forlade lovenes system, men endnu mere på, hvordan det kan være muligt at gøre det, uden at man umiddelbart efter indgår i det igen.— Marcello TarìDenne bog indeholder bidrag af forfattere tilhørende kredsen om den usynlige komité, der ikke findes længere, men som igangsatte drøftelsen af begrebet destitution for ti år siden. Destitutionens begreb og historie kan forklare spændingen mellem teori og praksis og analysere overgangen fra opstand til revolution: Radikaliserede anarkismen den borgerlige revolutions satsning på frihed, lighed og broderskab, og begrundede den videnskabelige socialisme arbejderbevægelsens bestræbelse på at ophæve formerne løn, pris og profit i kapitalismen, så samler destitutionen erfaringer og vidnesbyrd fra de seneste 14 års statsundergravende kampe.

Why is the metaphor of the 'Founding Fathers' so insidious-and how does it impact American politics?

How a coalition of Black health professions schools made health equity a national issue.Racism in the US health care system has been deliberately undermining Black health care professionals and exacerbating health disparities among Black Americans for centuries. These health disparities only became a mainstream issue on the agenda of US health leaders and policy makers because a group of health professions schools at Historically Black Colleges and Universities banded together to fight for health equity. We'll Fight It Out Here tells the story of how the Association of Minority Health Professions Schools (AMHPS) was founded by this coalition and the hard-won influence it built in American politics and health care. David Chanoff and Louis W. Sullivan, former secretary of health & human services, detail how the struggle for equity has been fought in the field of health care, where bias and disparities continue to be volatile national issues. Chanoff and Sullivan outline the history of Black health care, from pre-Emancipation to today, centering on the work of AMHPS, which brought to light health care inequities in 1983 and precipitated virtually all minority health care legislation since then. Based on extensive research in the literature, as well as more than seventy interviews with the people central to this fight for legislative and policy change, We'll Fight It Out Here is the important story of a vital coalition movement, virtually unknown until now, that changed the national understanding of health inequities.The work of this coalition of Black health schools continues, both in supporting the training of more doctors and health professionals from minority backgrounds and in advancing issues related to health equity. By highlighting these endeavors, We'll Fight It Out Here brings attention to a pivotal group in the history of the health equity movement and provides a road map of practical mechanisms that can be used to advance it.

Providing a cross-cutting contribution for the achievement of the 2030 Goals, this edited collection offers essential guidance for transforming the SDGs from agenda to reality.

Seeks to introduce an "affective turn" to the study of China's political modernization process.

Why some cities are more effective than others at reducing inequalities in the built environment: urban governance in São Paulo and Johannesburg For the first time in history, most people live in cities. One in seven are living in slums, the most excluded parts of cities, in which the basics of urban life--including adequate housing, accessible sanitation, and reliable transportation--are largely unavailable. Why are some cities more successful than others in reducing inequalities in the built environment? In Urban Power, Benjamin Bradlow explores this question, examining the effectiveness of urban governance in two "megacities" in young democracies: São Paulo, Brazil, and Johannesburg, South Africa. Both cities came out of periods of authoritarian rule with similarly high inequalities and similar policy priorities to lower them. And yet São Paulo has been far more successful than Johannesburg in improving access to basic urban goods. Bradlow examines the relationships between local government bureaucracies and urban social movements that have shaped these outcomes. Drawing on sixteen months of fieldwork in both cities, including interviews with informants from government agencies, political leadership, social movements, private developers, bus companies, and water and sanitation companies, Bradlow details the political and professional conflicts between and within movements, governments, private corporations, and political parties. He proposes a bold theoretical approach for a new global urban sociology that focuses on variations in the coordination of local governing power, arguing that the concepts of "embeddedness" and "cohesion" explain processes of change that bridge external social mobilization and the internal coordinating capacity of local government to implement policy changes.

"An in-depth look at the ways in which an emboldened effort to ungovern threatens to undermine the effective working of the administrative state. In this book, political theorists Nancy Rosenblum and Russell Muirhead, aim to identify and name a growing effort to undermine the workings of effective government. They call this "ungoverning." It is an unfamiliar name for an unfamiliar phenomenon, but one which has become increasingly strident in recent years. It is a root and branch attack on the functions and legitimacy of the administrative state, that unloved element of modern government that is necessary for everything people expect a modern state to do. The administrative state consists of the vast array of government agencies that shape, implement, adjudicate, and enforce public policies of every kind. It encompasses all those who carry on the day-to day business of government: the ordinary and routine, the wars and emergencies, and even the most basic function of a democracy: the oversight of free and fair elections. Ungoverning is the effort to reverse, by various methods, the already highly developed capacity of state to provide for its citizenry. It is different from state failure because it is a path deliberately chosen by politicians and agency heads who have a specific aim in mind. Ungoverning in the U.S., went from thinly veiled policy to open warfare, during the Trump presidency. Although efforts to ungovern were underway before his term in office, Trump clarified ungoverning as no one else could by forming the first presidential administration that was anti-administration. Rosenblum and Muirehead point to the incapacitation of a range of agencies from the Departments of State and Justice to Housing and Urban Development. Ungoverning did not come out of nowhere. The President brought decades of cultivated hostility toward government to a crescendo. Prior to that, even though over its history hostility toward the administrative state was expressed by both the Left and Right, there had been nothing like errant destruction of government capacity. But this is not just a story of the Trump administration. The damage ungoverning has done and can do remains a grave threat. Despite the Biden's admistration's efforts, reversing the corrosive effects of ungoverning cannot happen at a stroke. The capacity of a public agency takes many years to build. Replacing demoralized civil servants can take decades. The retail consequences of disdain for governing endure: As hard to reverse, and perhaps most serious for democracies, is public belief that neither the ability nor the will to govern exists. Ungoverning is, the authors argues, part of the constellation of actions that make up illiberal, anti-democratic politics with the end result being democratic erosion"--

Elizaveta Firsova-Eckert untersucht in diesem Buch die Auswirkungen des deutsch-israelischen Jugendaustauschs auf politische Bildungsprozesse zum Nahostkonflikt. Zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfrage wurde durch ein methodenkombiniertes Verfahren ein geeignetes Messinstrument entwickelt und anschließend bei ehemaligen Teilnehmer*innen und Interessent*innen des Austauschs eingesetzt. Die Daten des bundesweiten Samples wurden mittels statistischer Gruppenvergleiche analysiert, um mögliche Einflüsse des Austauschs zu ermitteln. Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung zeigen positive Einflüsse des Jugendaustauschs auf viele der betrachteten politischen Bildungsprozesse. Insbesondere konnten positive Effekte des Austauschs hinsichtlich der Erweiterung der Konzepte zum Nahostkonflikt nachgewiesen werden. Die Studie zeigt auch, dass tagesaktuelle Ereignisse im Nahostkonflikt einen signifikanten Einfluss auf die gemessenen politischen Bildungsprozesse haben.

¿Wie lässt sich Policy-Wandel in der Europäischen Union erklären? Tobias Rammel beantwortet diese Frage erstmals für die Gesamtheit des ordentlichen Gesetzgebungsverfahrens zur EU-Energiepolitik von 1992 bis 2019 im Rahmen einer Blended-Reading-Diskursanalyse. Rekurrierend auf eine Analyse des Forschungsstandes zur EU-Energiepolitik wird in diesem Buch argumentiert, dass eine theoretische Synthese der Arbeiten zur Diskursanalyse und zum Policy-Wandel die bisherigen Defizite der klassischen Theorieschulen ausgleichen kann. Methodisch wird in einem innovativen dreistufigen Forschungsdesign auf eine Blended-Reading-Kombination von Close-Reading in Form von unüberwachten Text-Mining-Verfahren (Topic Modeling) zur induktiv-explorativen Vorstrukturierung der Analyse und Distant-Reading in Form einer qualitativen Feinanalyse zur Interpretation und Kontextualisierung der Daten zurückgegriffen. Damit liefert das Buch eine bislang einzigartige und differenzierte Erklärung für Policy-Wandel und die dazugehörigen diskursiven Dynamiken zwischen den EU-Institutionen im COD der EU-Energiepolitik von 1992 bis 2019.

This book provides a critical account of federal asymmetry in India - its origins, context, forms and functioning - by taking into account the institutional effectiveness of asymmetric institutions in the regions for identity fulfillment, development and governance. It argues that while some asymmetry, de jure/ or de facto, is part of all federations for meeting some special circumstances, in India, which has followed a different path of federation building, asymmetric institutional solutions especially in the border areas have played a crucially important role in accommodating ethno-cultural diversity, ensuring law and order, a level of development and governance in a process that has turned the ¿rebels into stakeholders¿. Indiäs federal asymmetric designs and their working has been a key to holding the peripheries within the Union of India. The book utilizes both archival research and empirical survey data, as well as elite interviews.

Dall' infinito scaffale dei testi proibiti dalla attuale dittatura del Pensiero Unico, le Edizioni della Lanterna oggi traggono per i propri Lettori due scritti su un argomento proibitissimo : i dati della presenza ebraica nelle varie nazioni del mondo dopo la dispersione avvenuta nel 70 dopo Cristo ad opera dell' Impero Romano e la influenza degli Ebrei all' interno delle nazioni che li hanno ospitati. Il testo di Carlo Cecchelli è del 1939 e quindi dal punto di vista statistico datato. Ma non esistono studi attuali sull' argomento, perché le comunità ebraiche si rifiutano di farsi censire . Si può comunque affermare che in genere i numeri della presenza ebraica di 80 anni fa sono circa la metà o meno di quelli attuali. Ancor più difficile è esaminare gli effetti di questa presenza ebraica nelle nazioni : lo fa Cecchelli, riportando una serie impressionante di effetti negativi emersi con i censimenti nazionali : dalla partecipazione a movimenti sovversivi di stampo comunista, alla partecipazione a movimenti ed associazioni anti-cristiane, fino al controllo delle strutture finanziare degli Stati. In questi campi si strutturava la presenza e influenza ebraica negli anni 30 : i " veleni della Diaspora", appunto. Al lettore valutare se qualcosa è cambiato oggi. In appendice uno studio di Leone Franzi che analizza come veniva risolto nel 1939 dalla Germania nazionalsocialista il problema degli " effetti della Diaspora". Quanto avviene oggi in Palestina con il genocidio del popolo palestinese per mano ebraica, rende questo studio ancora di attualità e vagamente preveggente proprio per il suo carattere non edulcorato da filo-giudaismo Un libro che fa riflettere.

In pursuit of the liberating powers of the crowd

This book critically analyses important social issues experienced in Australia, such as economic inequality, precarious work, unequal access to quality education and health care, housing insecurity, colonisation, racism and discrimination, activism and social change. In doing so, it contributes to urgent discussions in key areas of Australian society. At a moment in time where a more progressive, caring, inclusive and optimistic public discourse is required, this book takes up the challenge of thinking constructively and creatively about the possibilities for change. While the book focuses on Australian-specific experiences, connections to international examples are made to ensure this work has relevance to people beyond an Australian context.

This book addresses three innovative aspects for the study of International Relations: first, proposes a novel theoretical-methodological framework for the study of national power, and based on this, a quantitative analysis technique is formulated that allows us to study the evolution of state power over almost five decades. Second, states play a fundamental role in the international system, which is why the study of their roles in the world cannot be limited to old, insufficient, and contradictory categorizations.Having new categories of states becomes an even more urgent task in the rapidly changing international order than it is today. This book proposes nine categories of powers and states that cover all the countries that currently exist. Third, the international geostructure of world power is proposed, which represents a new theoretical notion that helps to explain how the international insertion of states and their possibilities of action are conditioned by the unequal distribution of national power and by their structural positioning in the international system.This book is for all students of International Relations, academics, and people who want to understand national power as a fundamental factor in relations between countries.

This book analyses the British government¿s use of cultural diplomacy in South Africa from 1960 to 1994. Previously, scholarship on UK-South African relations has focussed mainly on political, economic, or military links; this book makes an important and original intervention by emphasising how the British government sought to use cultural ties as part of its diplomacy in South Africa. The book also highlights the controversy these links generated owing to broader international efforts to ostracise South Africa owing to the racist apartheid system in the country at the time. By examining British policy towards educational exchanges, performing arts tours, radio and television broadcasts, and sporting contact, this book provides a dynamic case study from which to analyse Britain¿s use of cultural diplomacy during a period of relative decline, while also adding a new layer to the well-established literature on the UK-South African special relationship.

Parlamentarische Herrschaft selbst lässt sich durch gerichtliche Verwaltungskontrolle soweit brechen und wird zugleich justiziell derart übertroffen, dass Demokratie insgesamt gestört wird, lautet die Ausgangsvermutung dieser Studie. Das Buch enthält wesentlich drei Bereiche: Nachdem zunächst in einem eingehenden methodischen Teil die Eigengesetzlichkeit juristischer Methode gewürdigt und nach Legitimitätsgründen von Rechtsprechung geforscht worden ist, werden Urteilstexte aus dem Blickwinkel des Politischen untersucht: Leitend ist hierbei die Frage, inwieweit im weitesten Sinne die Sphäre parlamentarischer Macht berührt wird und demokratietheoretische Probleme entstehen. Sodann wird eine Synthese der gefundenen Erkenntnisse formuliert. Dabei werden auch ideen- und geisteshistorische Hintergründe berücksichtigt. Durchgehend wird als Folie das Modell der Westminster-Demokratie kontrastiv genutzt. Abgeschlossen wird die Studie mit 23 Thesen. Die Grundsätzlichkeit des Dilemmas von Rechtsstaat und parlamentarischer Demokratie adressiert jeden politisch gebildeten und interessierten Staatsbürger als Leser. Die Forschungsstudie spricht primär Wissenschaftler, aber auch Journalisten, Juristen, Lehrer und Politiker an sowie alle diejenigen, die dem politischen Prozess in irgendeiner Art verbunden sind.

The histories of European unification and of West European democracy during the second half of the twentieth century have often been considered as separate or even antagonistic processes with the institutions of European integration being regarded as bastions of bureaucratic rule. A More Democratic Community challenges this assumption and argues that European integration benefited from the democratic accountability of member states while contributing to the validation of national democratic institutions. However, it also unveils a paradox: as integration deepened, it diminished the power of national parliaments, sparking a democratic accountability crisis within the Community. This insightful volume sheds light on pivotal reforms addressing Europe's perceived democratic deficit.

"Focusing on artificial intelligence (AI) and reproductive and genetic technologies (Repro-tech), Jude Browne asks who is politically responsible for the impacts of these transformative technologies and examines how we can respond to the societal challenges they pose in a way that is both politically feasible and socially responsible"--

The mathematical theory of tangles, the centrepiece of the celebrated Robertson-Seymour theory of graph minors, finds precise structure in imprecise data. Assuming only basic undergraduate mathematics, this book shows how tangles can identify, relate, and structure types in data: of behaviour, political views, texts, or proteins.

This book deals with the citizenship status of the Biharis in Bangladesh and their ability to access rights associated with citizenship. The main argument of the book is that although legally the Biharis are citizens of Bangladesh, they still do not have access to many important rights of citizenship that can make their citizenship meaningful. Their inability to access many important citizenship rights made them de facto stateless, although they are de-jure citizens. Taking a law and society approach this book examines both legal and non-legal factors behind the deplorable conditions of the Biharis in Bangladesh. Based on fieldwork, this book analyses that the Biharis¿ inability to access citizenship rights is inconsistent with citizenship theory, citizenship laws, and the Constitution of Bangladesh. To make the Biharis citizenship effective or meaningful the author suggests some recommendations for policy changes that would enable Biharis to access rights associated with citizenship.

Die Forderung nach einer Demokratisierung internationaler Entscheidungsstrukturen sowie die grundsätzliche Kritik an der als undemokratisch empfundenen Gestalt der Globalisierung sind seit jeher Kernbestandteile der globalisierungskritischen Debatten. Unter dem Leitgedanken einer ¿Demokratie von unten¿ werden seitens der globalisierungskritischen Bewegung sowohl alternative Organisationsmodelle erprobt als auch verschiedene Bildungsmaßnahmen der ¿ökonomischen Alphabetisierung¿ umgesetzt. Letztere werden bewegungsintern als Voraussetzung dafür betrachtet, Gegenexpertisen einbringen und politische Gegenmacht aufbauen zu können. Die Angebotspalette reicht dabei von Vorlesungen, Workshops und abendlichen Diskussionsveranstaltungen bis hin zu mehrtägigen Tagungen, Fortbildungsreihen und umfangreichen Bildungsmaterialien. Björn Allmendinger fokussiert sich in seiner Arbeit auf die Entwicklungslinien und politische Bildungspraxis der globalisierungskritischen Bewegung. In diesem Kontext untersucht er die wesentlichen Gründungsimpulse und Kristallisationsmomente der Bewegung und beleuchtet anhand unterschiedlicher Fallbeispiele deren Organisationsstrukturen und Bildungsformate.