Politiske styreformer: demokrati

This book provides a comparative analysis and a systemic categorization of the Populist Radical Left Parties (PRLPs) in Western Europe.Institutional and socio-economic aspects have transformed the political culture of many modern democracies, leading to the creation of radical left-wing parties who, by combining a strongly populist political offer with the historical demands of the traditional left wing, are capable of electoral success. This book analyzes a range of different Populist Radical Left Parties (PRLPs) in Western Europe through in-depth case studies. The author uses statutes, internal documents, programs, election results, membership data, and international political literature combined with interviews with executives and national secretaries to describe and interpret the main features of PRLPs, their paths of formation and political transformation.This volume will appeal to scholars and students of political science and political sociology, media studies and anyone interested in trying to better understand European populism and the distinctions among its different forms.

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2018 im Fachbereich Jura - Rechtsphilosophie, Rechtssoziologie, Rechtsgeschichte, Note: 2, Universität Wien (Rechtswissenschaften), Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract:

The Founding Documents of the United States of America includes the Constitution of the United States, the Declaration of Independence, the Bill of Rights, all Amendments to the Constitution, The Federalist Papers by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, and Common Sense by Thomas Paine.The Federalist Papers is a collection of 85 articles and essays written under the pseudonym "Publius" to promote the ratification of the United States Constitution. The Federalist Papers are notable for their opposition to what later became the United States Bill of Rights. The idea of adding a Bill of Rights to the Constitution was originally controversial because the Constitution, as written, did not specifically enumerate or protect the rights of the people, rather it listed the powers of the government and left all that remained to the states and the people. Alexander Hamilton, the author of Federalist No. 84, feared that such an enumeration, once written down explicitly, would later be interpreted as a list of the only rights that people had.Common Sense was a pamphlet written by Thomas Paine advocating independence from Great Britain to people in the Thirteen Colonies. Writing in clear and persuasive prose, Paine marshaled moral and political arguments to encourage common people in the Colonies to fight for egalitarian government. It was published anonymously on January 10, 1776, at the beginning of the American Revolution, and became an immediate sensation.

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2008 im Fachbereich Politik - Politische Theorie und Ideengeschichte, Note: 2.0, Freie Universität Berlin, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Das Konzept deliberativer Demokratie wurde bewusst in Abgrenzung zu liberalen und republikanischen Demokratietheorien entwickelt. Dem lag die Beobachtung zu Grunde, dass westliche Gesellschaften zunehmend an einem Demokratiedefizit leiden. Dieser Trend ist durch den von Beck und Anderen heraufbeschworenen Wandel moderner Industriegesellschaften ¿ namentlich durch Individualisierung und Globalisierung ¿ nur verstärkt worden. Insbesondere seit den Ausführungen Habermas¿ über die zivilgesellschaftliche Dimension deliberativer Demokratie ist deshalb vielfach versucht worden, Deliberation demokratietheoretisch zu konzeptionalisieren und beispielsweise im Kontext direktdemokratischer Bürgerpartizipation umzusetzen. Direkte Demokratie ist nicht zwangsläufig die qualitativ höherwertigere gegenüber anderen Demokratietheorien wie der liberalen und republikanischen, die den normativen Gehalt politischer Selbstbestimmung weitestgehend übergehen und den technischen Akt der Wahl in das Zentrum ihrer Demokratiedefinition stellen.Die Frage ist daher berechtigt, welchen neuen Mehrwert deliberative Demokratie in eine von Individualisierung und Globalisierung geprägte Gesellschaft trägt. Entsprechende Erkenntnisse könnten den Rückschluss zulassen, dass Deliberation auf die Entwicklungen und Veränderungen der reflexiven Moderne mit einem Zuwachs an demokratischer Selbstbestimmung durch den Bürger antwortet. Damit würde die deliberative Demokratie tatsächlich ein potentielles Praxismodell darstellen, welches herkömmliche Demokratietheorien ersetzen oder wenigstens zu deren Modifizierung beitragen könnte. Sollte die Gesamtkonzeption hingegen scheitern, hat damit deliberative Demokratie noch nicht versagt. Schwachstellen und Systemfehler könnten daraufhin erkannt und bearbeitet werden und einzelne Aspekte der deliberativen Theorie dennoch Antworten auf die Frage liefern, wie dem offenkundigen Demokratiedefizit westlicher Gesellschaften zu begegnen ist.

To get ahead today, you have to be a jerk, right?Divisive politicians. Hateful pundits. Angry campus activists. Twitter trolls. Today in America there is an ?outrage industrial complex? that prospers by setting American against American, creating a ?culture of contempt??the habit of seeing people who disagree with us not as merely incorrect, but as worthless and defective. Maybe, like more than nine out of ten Americans, you dislike it. But, hey, either you play along or you'll be left behind, right?Wrong. In Love Your Enemies, the New York Times bestselling author and social scientist Arthur C. Brooks shows that abuse and outrage are not the right formula for lasting success. Brooks blends cutting-edge behavioral research, ancient wisdom, and a decade of experience leading one of America's top policy think tanks in a work that offers a better way to lead based on bridging divides and mending relationships.Brooks's prescriptions are unconventional. To bring America together, we shouldn't try to agree more. There is no need for mushy moderation, because disagreement is the secret to excellence. Civility and tolerance shouldn't be our goals, because they are hopelessly low standards. And our feelings toward our foes are irrelevant; what matters is how we choose to act.Love Your Enemies offers a clear strategy for victory for a new generation of leaders. It is a rallying cry for people hungry for a new era of American progress. Most of all, it is a road map to find the happiness that comes when we choose to love one another, despite our differences.

In der Pandemie gab und gibt es viel persönliches Leid und viel persönliche Auseinandersetzung. Es gibt Maßnahmenbefürworter und Maßnahmenkritiker. Menschen, die Angst haben vor dem Virus, gegen Menschen, die Angst haben vor den gesellschaftlichen und politischen Folgen der Maßnahmen gegen das Virus.Der Autor gehört dieser zweiten Gruppe an, und versucht, diese Perspektive darzustellen und verständlicher zu machen.Die Sprache ist einfach, der Stil wechselt zwischen um Sachlichkeit bemühten Darstellungen und persönlichen Stellungnahmen. Man kann dem Autor zugutehalten, dass er jene ansprechen will, die nicht viel Zeit aufwenden können. Als weiterführende Hinweise benennt er keine weiteren Bücher, sondern Video-Dokus, die sich schneller und leichter erschließen lassen.Der Autor möchte um ein Nachdenken werben, gerade, wenn man anderer Ansicht ist. Und er tut dies auf eine eigene, persönliche und nachvollziehbare Art.- Der Autor

Blends academic and activist perspectives to explore recent emancipatory struggles to win and transform state power.

Examines why some democratic innovations succeed while others fail, using Venezuela, Ecuador, and Chile as case studies.

Citizens constitute the nation, and the nation does not exist without them.• When banks and public corporations are too big to fail, citizens will bail them out.• When the government decides upon war, citizens will offer to fight.• When disaster strikes, citizens bear the weight to recover and go on.• When the nation's survival is at stake, citizens persevere in order to succeed.The value of the nation's citizens is an unmistakable asset.Why aren't citizens recognized for their value?Why must influential values supersede a citizen's value? Or must they?How do influential values interfere with the citizen's government?Many have fought for the scraps of the influential, misunderstanding the acquisition of materialism to be the only influential value, while their inborn right to an equitable influential value go unrecognized and therefore do not exist. We have proven our social potential to exist as a known positive quantity. If this were not true, civilization would not be occurring. Derived by the positive contribution of our potential, our social existence becomes an economic asset that requires the recognition of our value through a guarantee of economic equality. We must insist upon the construction of a Constitutional amendment providing the citizen's with a balanced application of material influence in government. Creating a material expression to assist our vote will permit the citizen's to mitigate influences presently imposed and permitted by our representation, such influences that are no longer tolerable. It is our responsibility to take part in this opportunity to visualize and create economic equality and strengthen democracy.This is a concept of recognizing the citizens collected virtue of positive potential and ascertaining a material value, a "Citizen's Value", from that potential. Then utilizing, as a constitutional right, the transference of that material value as influence applied to representation. Explaining the mechanism, a "Citizen's Value Initiative" and it's existence, components and rules which will permit equitable influence to be applied toward representation in government, thereby providing a constitutional guarantee of economic equality. Included is a declaration of the offensive implementation of influence, made against the citizens of the United States by their representation. To which influence, as balance in representation, is not justly granted to the citizens.

This is the story of democracy. It also is the story of the deep aspiration within every human being to be recognized as a valid and worthwhile individual. It is about how that aspiration has been honored - and dishonored - throughout time. It is about how human dignity is essential to the success of civilization. And it is about how simple acts - based on basic principles - can make the world work for all of us. As first expressed in the US Constitution - and later echoed by numerous constitutions around the world - establishing government by and for "We the people" is the main aspiration of democracy. It is to this principle we must continuously recommit ourselves if our democracies are to survive. This is how we move toward a world where we all are recognized for our value as members of society. Looking after our individual needs is a basic human attribute. But at some point people realized that combining efforts toward the common good benefited them and improved their chances of survival. We each have a democratic impulse that recognizes the value of others and wants to collaborate toward what works best for all. We also have an autocratic impulse that prefers authority and is more comfortable leading or being led. In human history, the autocratic side has been prevalent.

"Seabrook ... begins with the earliest gerrymandering ... before our nation's founding with the rigging of American elections for partisan and political gain and the election-meddling of the colonial governor of North Carolina (George Burrington) in retaliation against his critics. ... [He] writes of the Supreme Court's 20th century battles to curtail gerrymandering, first with Felix Frankfurter, the court's most outspoken advocate of judicial restraint. ... [He] explores the rise of the most partisan gerrymanders in U.S. history put in place by the Republican Party after the 2010 census. We see how the battle has shifted to the states with REDMAP, the GOP's successful strategy to use control of state government and rig the results of state legislative and congressional elections for an entire decade"--

This book examines and explains the Center-Left's political decline since 2008, whilst analyzing the factors that account for its sagging electoral and popular support, losing voters both to the Far-Left, the Far-Right, and abstentions.Focusing on the era since the 2008 financial crisis in particular, while also charting the historical genealogy that led to the current impasse, the book examines how, when and why the collapse of Europe's Center-Left occurred. Moving beyond existing and slightly dated accounts, the contributors explore why Social Democrats lack compelling answers to pressing current policy challenges. Faced with a decline in its core clientele, namely blue-collar workers, the Center-Left is being outflanked and risks permanently jeopardizing its erstwhile status as representing a catch-all party. Exploring one of the more pressing and timely political puzzles of the contemporary political scene in Europe, the book identifies six factors that have driven the decline of the Left and examines them systematically across eight countries: France, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, Italy, Austria, the Netherlands, and Denmark.This book will be of particular interest to both scholars and students of social democracy, political parties, and the politics of the Left and more broadly to those interested in European and comparative politics, governance, and contemporary history.

Deliberative Governance for Sustainable Development argues that governance has become the core problem of sustainable development and identifies deliberative democracy and governance as a path forward for Western societies.In this book the author puts forward three messages. Firstly, while sustainable development theoretically is a common good of all people, it is in practice constantly associated with a multitude of smaller and larger conflicts. These conflicts arise repeatedly because, in practice, the benefits, costs and risks of sustainable development are unequally distributed and therefore form a massive barrier to sustainable development. As a result, sustainable development depends on the ability of the social and political institutions of societies to accommodate these conflicts. Second, within the framework of their established institutional structures, Western societies do not have the sufficient tools for conflict resolution that are adequate to the conditions of modern diversified societies and the complex challenges of sustainable development. They need to implement institutional reforms that switch institutional structures towards deliberation. Third, by switching to deliberation, Western societies can reach the high level of governance that enables them to achieve environmentally sustainable development that will bring them significant economic and social benefits and, as a result, may reach far beyond their borders.This volume offers a novel, transdisciplinary approach to sustainable development and governance in Western societies. It will be of great interest to students and scholars of sociology, economics, politics, environmental studies and philosophy, as well as professionals and policymakers working in the area of sustainable development.

This volume explores the shifts in how civil disobedience has come to be theorized, defined, understood and practiced in contemporary politics. How civil disobedience operates has changed over the years, and this volume unpacks its many contemporary lives.

This book defends the value of democratic participation. It aims to improve citizens' democratic control and vindicate the value of citizens' participation against conceptions that threaten to undermine it.

An American poet writes a compilation of historical vignettes, discerning the future of our democracy by rediscovering the combative, instructive, fascinating past of tyranny and democracy. Just as DNA is interwoven in every aspect of the human body, tyranny and democracy have their historically distinctive DNA that have shaped our democracy today. From Israel's Ten Commandments, to the Athenian Constitution, to Rome's Twelve Tables, to the overthrow of kings in England and America, Lyons traces democracy from its historical roots to the modern day, constructing a blueprint of what defines tyranny or democratic government in The DNA of Democracy. In this definitive guide, Richard C. Lyons documents the struggle for power between tyrants and heroes across time and place. Chronicling the acts of tyrants which are expressive of tyranny's DNA, and the rebellions of heroes and the forms of law which are democracy's DNA-Lyons outlines the roots of democracies, by telling the tales of tyrants who ironically gave them birth-¿births of rebellion! This book serves as a how to contemporary guide on identifying the menace of a tyrant when you see one!

This book throws light on the formation of political state, political power, formation of power, political stability and instability. Which organization of human life stands as a political power and forms the state? What are the characteristics of the state? To what extent does the state control the life of the individual? To what level can the state create liberty and authority for the individual? Which state will increase the freedom of a person's life and which state will reduce the freedom? What is political stability and instability? What is political struggle? To what level can a state be secular? Are religious struggles only religious? What is the limit of cooperation and struggle in life? What is the breadth and narrowness of societies? What is freedom? What is the fullness of life? What is the perfection of humanity? What is perfection?

""Law and Democracy"" is a speech given by Wayne Mac Veagh at the 62nd anniversary of Yale Law School in 1886. In this address, Mac Veagh explores the relationship between law and democracy, arguing that the two are intertwined and that democracy cannot exist without the rule of law. He discusses the importance of the legal system in protecting individual rights and promoting justice, and the role that lawyers and judges play in upholding these values. Mac Veagh also addresses the challenges facing democracy in his time, such as corruption and political polarization, and calls on the graduating law students to use their skills and knowledge to help strengthen democratic institutions. This book provides a thought-provoking analysis of the relationship between law and democracy, and is a valuable resource for anyone interested in legal theory, political philosophy, or the history of American law.This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the old original and may contain some imperfections such as library marks and notations. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions, that are true to their original work.