Politiske styreformer: demokrati

Ce volume contient le texte exact et sûr des discours les plus importants prononcés par Léon Blum depuis le mois de mai 1936.Il s'agit d'une période trop proche, trop présente à toutes les mémoires, pour qu'aucun commentaire soit nécessaire. On nous permettra cependant, en quelques mots, de justifier le titre de ce livre et d'en expliquer le plan.

How democracy can be extended to the workplace

La crise sanitaire a mis en lumière l'emprise de la haute finance et la restructuration 2.0 de la société. Nous entrons dans une nouvelle forme de dictature et de guerre mondiale faite aux peuples : interdiction de rassemblement, surveillance généralisée, mainmise sur les données, les comptes, les déplacements, exclusions, effondrement, restructuration économique, nouveaux types de déportation et d'emprisonnement, accaparement de l'espace de communication et de l'espace public...Tristan EdelmanCivilisation mal-être est un réquisitoire implacable contre le système capitaliste qui détruit nos vies. Il nous permet de comprendre ce qui nous menace, afin de sortir de ce piège, en retrouvant le sens de la vie et en réveillant ce que nous sommes au plus profond de nous, individuellement et collectivement. Livre de rupture et d'espoir, il marque la pensée et incite à l'action.

A powerful autocratic wave is sweeping the globe. Over the last 17 years, no country remains untouched. Fostering a Fourth Democratic Wave builds on a growing body of research that finds that civil resistance movements-using tactics such as strikes, boycotts, civil disobedience, and a range of other nonviolent tactics-are one of the most powerful forces for democracy worldwide and therefore are central to countering the authoritarian threat.It advances a three-part strategy to do so by:1. Proposing new approaches and tools to support civil resistance movements.2. Advancing a new international norm-the "Right to Assistance" to pro-democracy movements.3. Outlining strategic and tactical options to constrain authoritarian regimes and drive up the cost of their repression.

"We are living under the shadow of the greatest world tragedy in the history of mankind. Not even the overthrow of the old Roman empire wasso colossal a disaster as this. Inevitably we are bewildered by it. Utterly unanticipated, at least in its world extent, for we had believed mankind too far advanced for such a chaos of brute force to recur, it overwhelms our vision. Man had been going forward steadily, inventing and discovering, until in the last hundred years his whole world had been transformed. Suddenly the entire range of invention is turned against Man. Themachinery of comfort and progress becomes the enginery of devastation. Under such a shock, we ask, "Has civilization over-reached itself? Has themachine run away with its maker?" The imagination is staggered. We are too much in the storm to see across the storm."

"They all promise you everything, then turn up with a barrel full of mud." Politicians don't exactly enjoy a positive image. Anger about the people in power is often understandable, but many of these low opinions seem all-inclusive. Can it really be true that all politicians everywhere are lying, corrupt, inept and cowardly?Campaigner and former councillor Tracey Hill broadens the question to include the many thousands serving as local politicians. In this wry, entertaining book she draws from hotly debated local issues as well as the big national topics to illustrate the barriers this universally negative image throws up between politicians and the people they represent.She also explores the reasons behind it: the disconnect between voters' expectations and the power of politicians to deliver, the impact of unremittingly negative news coverage, and the dangers of a desire for simplicity which can be so beguiling.Condemning every politician damages democracy because it fails to distinguish between good politicians and bad. This lets people off the hook, achieving the opposite of what many critics set out to do, and creates a toxic political discourse which makes society vulnerable to the false promise that things might work better without elected representatives at all."A great dissection of the contradictions, frustrations and obstacles of politics. Key observations include the lack of space for nuance and context in political communication, the importance of ambitious, stretch targets, and the conflict between local and citywide responsibilities. I've always said there are a dozen different and conflicting views in every street I've doorknocked. This is the kind of book that should be required reading in PSHCE lessons, or indeed for anyone wanting to write a letter of complaint to the local paper!" Warren Morgan, Leader of Brighton and Hove City Council 2015-2018

Many countries in Asia are inhabited by multi-segment societies diversified in terms of race, religion, language and economic status. They have repeatedly provided the basis for analysis of the search for consensus in the construction of a political scene that would ensure the participation in power of each group. Regardless of the chosen model, the distribution of power in multi-segment societies has always been characterized by a state of "unstable equilibrium". Practical solutions constantly evolved between consociationalism, centripetalism, federalism. In extreme cases they led to political disintegration of states or to permanent domination of one of the segments, most often based on authoritarian solutions. In this volume, a group of scholars specializing in countries of the region try to point out the dynamics of the "unstable equilibrium" of power sharing in particular Asian countries and analyze the trends occurring in them in the 21st century.

Develops an idea that has yet to be properly explained - Muslim democracy Ravza Altuntaş-Çakır proposes a framework of Muslim democracy that reconciles public claims made by Muslims with the normative and practical demands of democratic regimes. This book examines the ideals, institutions and processes that shape the development of a concrete Muslim-based democratic system - a form of democracy that recognises the centrality of religion in Muslim societies. Questioning the customary characterisations of Islam's compatibility with democracy, the book adopts a comparative political theory approach that initiates a dialogue between Muslim and Western political thought. It systematically studies debates concerning Muslim political thought, multiculturalism, secularism, the public sphere and constitutionalism, which enables an exploration of Muslim democracy through a political theory approach, rather than a theological one. Key Features - Constructs a Muslim democracy framework, inspired by Muslim and Western multiculturalist political thought - Provides an inclusive typology of Muslim political thought to discover essential norms for democratic thinking - Provides an inclusive typology of multiculturalism elaborating upon its capacity to reconcile democracy with religion - Synthesises these theoretical concepts and values to provide interpretative tools for a comparative political of Muslim democracy - Offers a scholarly construction of the notion of a political theory of Muslim democracy Ravza Altuntaş-Çakır is a Lecturer in the Political Science and International Relations Department, Istanbul Sabahattin Zaim University.

Democracy is on the run, and elected governments are suffering from a legitimacy crisis. Legislatures are increasingly seen as unrepresentative. To give legitimacy to democratic government, experts argue that we need more democracy and more opportunities for direct citizen participation. Representative democracy needs to be complemented by forms of direct engagement, such as referendums, popular votes, the recall, citizens' juries, eDemocracy, etc. This is what we term Complementary Democracy. In this book experts from the worlds of practice and theory come together to explain - and occasionally critique - these complements to representative democracy. The volume provides an invaluable starting point for anyone who wants to know more about the new directions of democratic governance, and hopes to inspire those who seek to build stronger democracies.

'Gender' is a catch-all term: it is used in discourses on women's and LGBTIQ+ rights, gender equality, sexual education, gender studies - and by the anti-gender movements. The book offers an analysis of the blurring boundaries between political positions known as 'anti-gender' on the one hand and feminist and LGBTIQ+ strands on the other, starting from the hypothesis that there are discursive bridges between both camps which go beyond the exploitation of emancipatory attitudes. Rather, there are linkages which originate in mainstream feminist and LGBTIQ+ positions. The volume sheds light on these linkages in order to make the case for the need for alliances and dialogues to more effectively counter crusades on women's and LGBTIQ+ constituencies.

Stephen Ward combines history and evolutionary psychology for a comprehensive view of the social irrationality plaguing democracies. Human nature has both extreme Darwinian traits promoting competition and sociable traits of cooperation and empathy. When social tensions trigger the former, they become maladaptive and dangerous.

A definitive biography of the French aristocrat who became one of democracy's greatest championsIn 1831, at the age of twenty-five, Alexis de Tocqueville made his fateful journey to America, where he observed the thrilling reality of a functioning democracy. From that moment onward, the French aristocrat would dedicate his life as a writer and politician to ending despotism in his country and bringing it into a new age. In this authoritative and groundbreaking biography, leading Tocqueville expert Olivier Zunz tells the story of a radical thinker who, uniquely charged by the events of his time, both in America and France, used the world as a laboratory for his political ideas.Placing Tocqueville's dedication to achieving a new kind of democracy at the center of his life and work, Zunz traces Tocqueville's evolution into a passionate student and practitioner of liberal politics across a trove of correspondence with intellectuals, politicians, constituents, family members, and friends. While taking seriously Tocqueville's attempts to apply the lessons of Democracy in America to French politics, Zunz shows that the United States, and not only France, remained central to Tocqueville's thought and actions throughout his life. In his final years, with France gripped by an authoritarian regime and America divided by slavery, Tocqueville feared that the democratic experiment might be failing. Yet his passion for democracy never weakened.Giving equal attention to the French and American sources of Tocqueville's unique blend of political philosophy and political action, The Man Who Understood Democracy offers the richest, most nuanced portrait yet of a man who, born between the worlds of aristocracy and democracy, fought tirelessly for the only system that he believed could provide both liberty and equality.

Les manifestations suscitées depuis quelques mois en Israël par le projet de réforme judiciaire posent une question essentielle. Comment expliquer que des dizaines de milliers d'Israéliens manifestent en scandant "Démocratie!", alors que l'objectif de la réforme est précisément de renforcer la démocratie et l'équilivre des pouvoirs? Il y a là deux conceptions opposées de la nature du régime démocratique. Pour comprendre les enjeux de ce débat fondamental, il est nécessaire de revenir aux débuts de la Révolution constitutionnelle menée par le juge Aharon Barak au début des années 1990. C'est alors que la Cour suprême s'est arrogé la compétence de dire le droit à la place du législateur, d'annuler les décisions du gouvernement et des commandants de l'armée, etc. Aucun domaine n'échappe plus à son contrôle quotidien et omniprésent.Dans ce livre, Pierre Lurçat retrace l'histoire de cette Révolution judiciaire passée inaperçue du grand public à l'époque, et explique les enjeux véritables du projet de réforme actuel. Il rappelle pourquoi Israël ne possède pas de Constitution et montre comment l'extension du domaine de compétence de la Cour suprême a affaibli les pouvoirs exécutif et législatif. Replaçant la problématique israélienne dans un contexte plus vaste, il s'interroge également sur les causes profondes de l'engouement actuel pour la notion d'un pouvoir des juges et du rejet concomitant de l'idée classique de la démocratie représentative et du pouvoir politique en général.

The public culture of the receiving society and the dominant understanding of belonging and political membership can influence the social participation of immigrants as much as immigration law. However, current discussions of integration focus primarily on the distribution of rights and neglect the role of tacit knowledge. Through a systematical and philosophical analysis of identity's role in policy-making, governance and social practice, Bodi Wang shows how a one-sided understanding of integration resembles »assimilation« and why integration should be expected from locals as well. Weaving together extensive findings in sociology, history, critical race theory and Chinese philosophy with ethics and migration studies, this book provides a compelling argument for adopting the concept of »mutual integration« to overcome injustice and to enhance social solidarity.

Why are so many people uninterested in politics in Australia, yet the same people decide who governs us? The Apathetic Country is the first book to focus on the power of politically apathetic voters. The authors show how uninterested citizens, forced to the ballot box in Australia, vote in arbitrary ways, with clear and dramatic effects on political outcomes. Ironically, the voters least interested in politics are those the politicians are most interested in. Political parties understand their impact and focus on manipulating and lying to attract their attention. This is why we have to endure Mediscare, claims that cows will cost as much as houses due to the carbon tax, and the shenanigans of One Nation. It is why Labor lost in 2019, and why Scott Morrison campaigned for the "quiet Australian" vote by shearing sheep and having a beer with guys with mullets. It resonated better with the voters who decide elections. Based on 15 years of research, The Apathetic Country explains the reasons for the lack of interest and knowledge of apathetic voters and proposes a radical solution. With the effects of political ignorance felt worldwide, this book is a must-read for anyone concerned about the future of Australian politics and democracy.

Bei diesem Handbuch zur Integration ist der Name Programm.Auf fast 430 Seiten bereitet der Autor integrationswillige Menschen auf den Einbürgerungstest in Deutschland vor. Wichtig ist ihm dabei, nicht nur Fragen und Antworten zur Verfügung zu stellen, sondern bei jeder der 360 Fragen auch weiterführende Informationen zu geben. Damit kann man den Einbürgerungstest nicht nur bestehen, sondern auch die Hintergründe der Fragen bestehen.Dirk von der Höh setzt aber noch früher an. Auf knapp 50 Seiten wird im ersten Teil des Buches die Bundesrepublik Deutschland kompakt aber thematisch umfassend vorgestellt. Dabei werden folgende Themen behandelt:Politik, Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft, Geographie, Geschichte, Landwirtschaft, Tourismus, Kultur, Religion, Gesundheits- und Rechtssystem, Bildung, Integration, Infrastruktur und Umweltschutz.Der Autor wendet sich also an Menschen, die nicht nur Fragen und deren Lösungen auswendig lernen wollen, sondern wirklich etwas über das Land erfahren möchten, welches ihr Lebensmittelpunkt werden soll: die Bundesrepublik Deutschland.Die übersichtliche Gestaltung und die ausführlichen Zusatzinformationen machen dieses Buch ebenso zum idealen Nachschlagewerk für Menschen in der politischen Bildung, Kursleiter und Lehrer.

This book provides a fresh understanding of law's regulation of Australian democracy. The book enriches public law scholarship, deepening and challenging the current conceptions of law's regulation of popular participation and legal representation.

Fiducial Governance: An Australian republic for the new millennium represents an attempt to grapple with the challenges of designing governance regimes suited to the new millennium. Power's monograph asserts the need for the reform of Australian governance and charts Australia's fitful progress towards a republican future.

This dissertation concerns the nature and rationality of self-fulfilling beliefs: beliefs whose contents will be true just in case you believe them, because you believe them. Examples of this phenomenon span the quotidian - a child's belief that she will be fed may prompt a parent to begin her feeding - to the complex - as in cases, from the psychology of education, in which student performances match the expectations of their instructors. These examples can be difficult to fit into traditional theories of theoretical reasoning, where the role of theoretical reasoning is to get us on to some independent fact of the matter, by following our evidence. Since there is no independent fact of the matter to track when a belief is self-fulfilling, there will be no evidence of that fact for us to follow. But we are not Cartesian egos, apart from the world and observing it. We ourselves are part of the world we are trying to represent, and so, sometimes, what we believe can affect what the objective world is like. We need an account of theoretical reasoning which can accommodate this fact, and explain how we ought to deliberate about those states of affairs effected by our deliberating

Contemporary public policy challenges are increasingly called "wicked problems," or problems that cannot be solved by one sector or one agency of government alone. Solutions to wicked problems often further require the recognition and acceptance of tradeoffs or drawbacks, which might include a cost or sacrifice for the whole of society or a subsection of society. Based on the premise that government of, by, and for the people is not sufficient to rise to and meet wicked public policy problems, this volume provides strategies and ideas for public administration educators across diverse environments, as well as undergraduate and graduate education, to include and integrate the principles of "with the people" in public administration education and practice.This book explores the ways that notions of governing with citizens can be integrated into courses that focus on public administration and policy. It invites instructors to think about what it means to be educators within higher education institutions in a democratic society, championing deliberation and engagement as a way to prepare students for professional roles in their communities. Each chapter is written by a contributor who has road-tested the inclusion of democratic ideals and principles in their own classrooms, and each chapter therefore provides blueprints, curriculum plans, and lesson plans for the integration of democratic principles in public administration education and practice. Teaching Democratic Ideals to Public Affairs Students is essential reading for faculty in public administration, public policy, and political science departments, and it will also be a useful guidebook for practicing public administrators, as well as those who provide training to practicing administrators and leaders.