Politiske partier

Democracy 'binds us as one, ' but who'll blow the whistle on myths and rorts of the lucky country - our fair-go hard-yakka dreamtime multiculture of aspirational lifters and bogan leaners?

A collection of poems alongside gritty monochrome illustrations - transitioning from darkly humorous to disturbing. Some material may not be suitable for children.

Initially, former President Donald Trump tried to push "All Lives Matter" and tried to call the country together, but was not given the honor. In fact, it was the Democrats who were the first proponents of "All Lives Matter." It wasn't until Trump uttered the same words that the democrats would ditch the "All Lives Matter" platform. It was blatant contrarianism at its best and now look at the racialized mess the United States is in. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Maryland Gov. Martin O'Malley each used the phrase "All Lives Matter" early in their campaign, but would concede to ethnocentric diatribes from groups who were threatening to withdraw their support. Sen. Bernie Sanders, at one of his rallies, had even said, 'Black lives matter, white lives matter, Hispanic lives matter.' But when it came to Trump, the media continued to vilify him for his "All Lives Matter" stance, even after he publicly disavowed the alt-right and David Duke on numerous occasions. Eventually, though, the democrats would have to try the same thing-reunify the country-in the midst of all this separatism. But since they allowed themselves to go down a rabbit hole, thinking everyone would forget how they advocated seperatism and open borders, they now have to manage these two outlooks without alienating their political base. It's important to note that a divided country is unsustainable in a capitalist country where people have to compete with each other for jobs and resources. Being divided along racial lines just adds fuel to the fire. The two don't mix. This is the new normal that our willingness to go to the extreme has brung us. Now the country has to deal with this. There is no going back to a time in which both negative and positive interactions didn't draw the extreme racist connotation it does now. One can best believe that when they go out and their day is inconvenienced by someone that doesn't represent their racial, cultural background, all of them-right or left-will wonder whether or not race played a role in it. Here is the lesson. Never sabatoge your political opposition by destroying the country, all for the sake of pointing the finger at the people in charge. Because, in the event that you come to power, you'll find yourself left with the impossible task of trying to convince the public that you really don't advocate for the destructive polices that you once propagated just prior to your ascent. Now the democrats are left holding the bag of racial separatism, open borders, and criminalizing political opposition, trying to figure out a way to walk all of it back. But its sad to say, that they are now stuck with it. The extreme left castigated the ideas of "All Lives Matter," and "securing the borders" when Trump was in office, and now that they are in power, they are left with these bizarre ideas, both of which their supporters now expect them to uphold. Not to mention, the democrats are pro-war now, which is another rabbit hole they went down as a result of Trump derangement syndrome, believing that Trump was pro-Russian/pro-negotiation and because they don't support Trump, then they must seek to be anti-Russian, anti-negotiation as a way to distance themselves from Trump.

Dieses Werk bietet ein alternatives Modell und eine neue Methode zu den Arbeiten der mandate theory und des saliency approaches, um issue positions aus Wahlprogrammen politischer Parteien zu extrahieren. Dieses einfache räumliche Modell besteht in seiner Mitte aus dem Status Quo. Je spezifischer die Wahlversprechen der Parteien in ihren Wahlprogrammen, desto mehr weichen diese vom Status Quo ab. Basierend auf diesem Modell wurde eine neue Methode entwickelt, um issue positions aus Wahlprogrammen zu extrahieren und laut ihrer Spezifizität zu kategorisieren. Eine Anwendung des Modells und der Methode auf die Wahlprogramme der größten spanischen Parteien von 2008 bis 2019 und die Analyse der resultierenden Daten liefern erste tentative Belege dafür, dass die Methode funktioniert und interessante Einsichten in das Verhalten von Parteien unter sich verändernden strategische Bedingungen generieren kann.

This book explores the modes of European Union (EU) contestation which are mobilized by populist parties and seeks to unearth the relationship of such contestation with populist discourses.