Diplomati

Memories of Hugh Leach - Arabist, explorer, and author of the acclaimed Seen in the Yemen. A circus owner, photographer, and scholar, Leach was a man of many parts. Just Hugh is a testament to his work and legacy.

The essential resource on military and political strategy and the making of the modern worldThe New Makers of Modern Strategy is the next generation of the definitive work on strategy and the key figures who have shaped the theory and practice of war and statecraft throughout the centuries. Featuring entirely new entries by a who’s who of world-class scholars, this new edition provides global, comparative perspectives on strategic thought from antiquity to today, surveying both classical and current themes of strategy while devoting greater attention to the Cold War and post-9/11 eras. The contributors evaluate the timeless requirements of effective strategy while tracing the revolutionary changes that challenge the makers of strategy in the contemporary world. Amid intensifying global disorder, the study of strategy and its history has never been more relevant. The New Makers of Modern Strategy draws vital lessons from history’s most influential strategists, from Thucydides and Sun Zi to Clausewitz, Napoleon, Churchill, Mao, Ben-Gurion, Andrew Marshall, Xi Jinping, and Qassem Soleimani.With contributions by Dmitry Adamsky, John Bew, Tami Davis Biddle, Hal Brands, Antulio J. Echevarria II, Elizabeth Economy, Charles Edel, Eric S. Edelman, Andrew Ehrhardt, Lawrence Freedman, John Lewis Gaddis, Francis J. Gavin, Christopher J. Griffin, Ahmed S. Hashim, Eric Helleiner, Wayne Wei-siang Hsieh, Seth G. Jones, Robert Kagan, Jonathan Kirshner, Matthew Kroenig, James Lacey, Guy Laron, Michael V. Leggiere, Margaret MacMillan, Tanvi Madan, Thomas G. Mahnken, Carter Malkasian, Daniel Marston, John H. Maurer, Walter Russell Mead, Michael Cotey Morgan, Mark Moyar, Williamson Murray, S.C.M. Paine, Sergey Radchenko, Iskander Rehman, Thomas Rid, Joshua Rovner, Priya Satia, Kori Schake, Matt J. Schumann, Brendan Simms, Jason K. Stearns, Hew Strachan, Sue Mi Terry, and Toshi Yoshihara.

L'histoire de la création des Nations Unies est un cas classique de diplomatie par le mensonge. Les Nations Unies ont succédé à la défunte Société des Nations, première tentative de mise en place d'un gouvernement mondial unique dans le sillage de la Conférence de paix de Paris qui a donné naissance au traité de Versailles.La conférence de paix s'est ouverte à Versailles, en France, le 18 janvier 1919, en présence de 70 délégués représentant les banquiers internationaux des 27 puissances alliées "victorieuses". Il est un fait que les délégués étaient sous la direction des banquiers internationaux depuis leur sélection jusqu'à leur retour dans leur pays, et même longtemps après.Soyons clairs, la conférence de paix avait pour but de saigner l'Allemagne à blanc; il s'agissait d'obtenir d'énormes sommes d'argent pour les brigands-banquiers internationaux qui avaient déjà récolté des bénéfices obscènes en plus des terribles pertes de la guerre de cinq ans (1914-1919). À elle seule, la Grande-Bretagne a subi 1 000 000 de morts et plus de 2 000 000 de blessés. L'historien de la guerre Alan Brugar estime que les banquiers internationaux ont réalisé un bénéfice de 10 000 dollars sur chaque soldat tombé au combat. La vie est bon marché quand il s'agit du Comité des 300 banquiers Iluminati-Rothschild-Warburg, les maitres de la Federal Reserve, qui ont financé les deux côtés de la guerre.Il est également utile de rappeler que H.G. Wells et Lord Bertrand Russell avaient prévu cette terrible guerre dans laquelle des millions de personnes - les fleurs des nations majoritairement chrétiennes - sont mortes inutilement. Les membres du Comité des 300 ont planifié la guerre de façon à ce que les banquiers internationaux en tirent un grand profit. H.G. Wells était connu comme le "prophète" du Comité des 300. Il est vrai que Wells n'a fait qu'actualiser les idées de la Compagnie britannique des Indes orientales (BEIC) qui ont été mises en oeuvre par Jeremy Bentham et Adam Smith, pour ne citer que deux des démolisseurs utilisés par le roi George III pour saper et saborder l'avenir économique des colons d'Amérique du Nord qui cherchaient à échapper aux difficultés économiques engendrées par la prise de contrôle de leur pays par la caste des banquiers vénitiens à la fin des années 1700.

During the 1980s, millions of ordinary individuals around the world mobilized in support of nuclear disarmament. Although U.S. President Ronald Reagan and Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev were not part of these grassroots movements, they too wanted to eliminate nuclear weapons. Nuclear abolitionism was a diverse and global phenomenon. In Dreams for a Decade, Stephanie L. Freeman draws on newly declassified material from multiple continents to examine nuclear abolitionists' influence on the trajectory of the Cold War's last decade. Freeman reveals that nuclear abolitionism played a significant yet unappreciated role in ending the Cold War. Grassroots and government nuclear abolitionists shifted U.S. and Soviet nuclear arms control paradigms from arms limitation to arms reduction. This paved the way for the reversal of the U.S.-Soviet nuclear arms race, which began with the landmark 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. European peace activists also influenced Gorbachev's "common European home" initiative and support for freedom of choice in Europe, which prevented the Soviet leader from intervening to stop the 1989 East European revolutions. These revolutions ripped the fabric of the Iron Curtain, which had divided Europe for more than four decades. Despite their inability to eliminate nuclear weapons, grassroots and government nuclear abolitionists deserve credit for playing a pivotal role in the Cold War's endgame. They also provide a model for enacting dramatic, positive change in a peaceful manner.

Exploring how modern internationalism emerged as a negotiated process through international conferences, this edited collection studies the spaces and networks through which states, civil society institutions and anti-colonial political networks used these events to realise their visions of the international.Taking an interdisciplinary approach, contributors explore the spatial paradox of two fundamental features of modern internationalism. First, internationalism demanded the overcoming of space, transcending the nation-state in search of the shared interests of humankind. Second, internationalism was geographically contingent on the places in which people came together to conceive and enact their internationalist ideas. From Paris 1919 to Bandung 1955 and beyond, this book explores international conferences as the sites in which different forms of internationalism assumed material and social form. While international 'permanent institutions' such as the League of Nations, UN and Institute of Pacific Relations constantly negotiated national and imperial politics, lesser-resourced political networks also used international conferences to forward their more radical demands.Taken together these conferences radically expand our conception of where and how modern internationalism emerged, and make the case for focusing on internationalism in a contemporary moment when its merits are being called into question.

Bringing together historians of US foreign relations and scholars of Iranian studies, American-Iranian Dialogues examines the cultural connections between Americans and Iranians from the constitutional period of the 1890s through to the start of the White Revolution in the 1960s.Taking an innovative cultural approach, chapters are centred around major themes in American-Iranian encounters and cultural exchange throughout this period, including stories of origin, cultural representations, nationalism and discourses on development. Expert contributors draw together different strands of US-Iranian relations to discuss a range of path-breaking topics such as the history of education, heritage exchange, oil development and the often-overlooked interactions between American and Iranian non-state actors.Through exploring the understudied cultural dimensions of US-Iranian relations, this book will be essential reading for students and scholars interested in American history, international history, Iranian studies and Middle Eastern studies.

"Originally published by Speaking Tiger Books, New Delhi, 2020"--Title page verso.

Drawing on differentiation theory, this book examines the participation of middle powers in multilateralism. Taking Australia, Indonesia and South Korea, it sets out a framework to understand the behaviour of middle powers in multilateralism.

¿The Two Michaels is a timely and highly-readable book ¿ a gripping human drama that also tells a bigger story about the fast-changing world of international diplomacy, superpower rivalry, and the struggle to secure the Internet.¿¿ MADELEINE ALBRIGHT, former US Secretary of StateLanding in Vancouver on a flight from Hong Kong on December 2018, Chinese telecom executive Meng Wanzhou was arrested by Canadian authorities with an American extradition warrant. The US Department of Justice accused Meng of fraud and bypassing sanctions against Iran. Nine days later, in an act of retaliation, China arrested two Canadians¿Michael Spavor, an entrepreneur, and Michael Kovrig, a peace advocate¿charging them with spying.Imprisoned and interrogated, the Two Michaels became hostages in a tense showdown between China and the United States over not only the Meng extradition but whether East or West will control the future of the internet.In this timely and essential book, journalist Mike Blanchfield and international affairs expert Fen Hampson combine groundbreaking original reporting and keen analysis to tell this gripping and ongoing story of cyber espionage, life-and-death diplomacy, and global superpowers in conflict.¿The compelling, tragic story of the Two Michaels exposes the dark side of the new China and why the world must not forget them. This book describes in powerful detail the events that led to their arrest and imprisonment. It also puts the struggle to free them in the wider geopolitical context of the new Cold War between China and the West.¿¿ WILLIAM BROWDER, founder and CEO of Hermitage Capital Management, political activist, and author of The New York Times bestseller Red Notice¿The Two Michaels reads like a gripping spy novel, but it¿s a true story. This is a chilling and convincing analysis of how two innocent Canadians became pawns of a bullying state that refuses to follow the rules essential for smaller countries like Canada.¿¿JOHN ENGLISH, OC FRSC, biographer of Pierre Elliott Trudeau and Lester B. Pearson, and former Liberal member of parliament¿The Two Michaels is a fast-paced and compelling narrative of Chinäs imprisonment of two Canadian visitors in retaliation for Canadäs earlier arrest of a Chinese executive facing extradition on US criminal charges. Through this dramatic story, the authors illuminate how China uses its economic strength, cyber-attack capabilities, and security assets to bully other nations. It¿s a cautionary tale about geopolitical conflict.¿¿MICHAEL CHERTOFF, former US Homeland Security Secretary

What does it mean to be secure in the 21st century? Mark Beeson argues that some of the most influential ideas about national and even global security reflect untenable, anachronistic strategic views that are simply no longer appropriate for contemporary international circumstances. At a time when climate change poses an existential threat to the continuation of life itself, Beeson argues that there is an urgent need to rethink security priorities while we still can. Providing an explanation of the failures and dangers of the conventional wisdom, he outlines the case for a new approach that takes issues like environmental and human security seriously.

This anthology features the proceedings of Don Juan Archiv Wien's symposium organized in March 2016 in cooperation with the University of Vienna and STVDIVM FÆSVLANVM. It introduces contributions which focus on and investigate 'gender', a lesser studied aspect in studies of diplomatic history. The term 'gender' quintessentially is associated with and suggests at first hand 'the female'; acknowledging this, the volume endeavours to provide a balance of both genders, and does so by looking at the cult urally relevant aspects of the male gender as well as considering both genders in their interwoven network of relationships; that is in marital, cultural, diplomatic contexts. The volume features thefollowing chapters: Women as Diplomatic Actors, Diplomacy of Queens, The Birth of the Ambassadress, Stages for Male Diplomacy.

Bachelor Thesis from the year 2013 in the subject Politics - Topic: International relations, grade: 1,0, Sheffield Hallam University (Faculty of Development and Society), language: English, abstract: This paper has taken the discourse on changes in global diplomacy as a foundation for an in-depth case study of the Clinton Global Initiative which appeared and proved to be an excellent example for the realization of recent trends in real politics. By applying a mixed-methodology, the organizational structure and membership were investigated as to effectively be able to make statements about the initiative¿s approach towards the global issue of climate change. Via a consecutive comparison to the state-centric United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, strengths and weaknesses of the Clinton Global Initiative as an international organization could be identified, and recommendations could be given as to how modern diplomacy could be designed more effectively. This research sets out to answer the following questions: 1. How does the Clinton Global Initiative address contemporary global issues, specifically climate change? 2. What lessons can other international organizations such as the UN learn from the Clinton Global Initiative for the practice of diplomacy?Recent trends such as the communications revolution and the increasing importance of transnational non-state actors have led to increasing levels of global interdependence. At the same time, global public goods issues such as pollution, poverty, or health call for collective action at a worldwide scale. Both trends are interrelated and have led academics to recognize a development towards a ¿new diplomacy¿ that is characterized by a growing involvement of public and private actors from civil society and the business world, by flat hierarchies and inter-sectoral partnerships, by an increasing impact of individuals, and by flexible and solution-focused approaches. There is no agreed position as to whether this ¿new diplomacy¿ is to be placed in opposition to more traditional, state-centric accounts of diplomacy, or whether it rather adds to a polycentric world system.

'I am not a writer. I never intended to write this book, but the Almighty Allah has plans for all of us.' In August 2011, the Africa 1 Aid Convoy set off from South Africa to travel up the length of the continent and enter Gaza via Egypt. The convoy had been made possible by the generosity of Muslims all over South Africa. One of the people attached to the project was Shenaaz Farred from Johannesburg. Gaza was being bombarded by Israel at the time. Nevertheless the convoy entered with its precious cargo of medical supplies, generators, water desalination units, and sundry educational requirements. What happened during the seven days of their visit forms the substance of this book. Among the detritus of war the inextinguishable spirit of humanity shines through. Shenaaz Farred writes with extraordinary compassion yet with an equally extraordinary absence of rancour. She has been married for thirty-eight years and has four children and ten grandchildren. Her passion for charity work drove her into the heart of Gaza and back. 'I love Gaza and the people there. I will continue to do all I can to join hands with them and support them in their time of need.'

In the last quarter century the Soviet Union and the United States have repeatedly come into conflict in various parts of the third world. During this period the most backward third world countries have sometimes proved susceptible to radical revolution, but the countries well on the way to industrialization have moved away from left-wing economic and political policies. In the longer perspective the West has been winning the struggle for the third world. The changes in those countries have been the subject of intense published debate in the Soviet Union-debate on Marxist concepts of the stages of history, on theories of economic development and revolutionary strategy, and on foreign policy. Jerry F. Hough explores the breakup of the orthodox Stalinist position on these issues and the evolution of free-swinging discussion about them. He suggests that, paradoxically, many of the old Stalinist ideas retain their strongest hold in the United States, which has not fully recognized its victory in the third world and the importance of the West's great economic power. The United States too often assumes that radical regimes will inevitably follow the Soviet path of development and that the nature of a regime determines the nature of its foreign policy. Because of these misperceptions, Hough argues the United States misses many opportunities in the third world. It emphasizes military power, even to the extent of undermining its crucial economic power, and it fails to offer the face-saving gestures that would permit Soviet retreats. Hough presents a prescription for an American policy better suited to the new realities in the third world and to the changing Soviet attitude toward them.

"For much of the past decade, all diplomatic initiatives designed to advance the Arab-Israeli peace process have had in common a concern for the future of the West Bank. This region, along with the Gaza Strip, has often been discussed, but rarely studied. Palestinians living under occupation were often seen as passive and leaderless. This view is no longer tenable.The uprising, or intifadah, that began in the West Bank and Gaza in late 1987 and continued into 1988 represents a new phase of the Palestinian resistance to occupation and search for self-determination. Palestinians in these areas, especially the youth, are politically mobilized and highly nationalistic. The uprising needs to be seen in perspective. It is the product of profound political, social, and economic changes that have taken place over the past twenty years.Emile Sayliyeh analyzes in detail and with great personal knowledge the internal politics of the West Bank Palestinians and their international implications. Traditionally, West Bank politics had been the domain of elite, prominent families used by the Ottomans, the British, and the Jordanians to control local politics. Recent social changes, such as the growing trend toward higher education, exposure to the mass media, and labor mobility, have coincided with recent political changes-the consolidation of the communist movement, the radicalization of the student population, and the resurgence of Islam-to challenge the political order and give more power to the mass-supported local politicians.In Search of Leadership offers the first comprehensive look at the social and political bases of the factions and groups in the West Bank and suggests how they will affect Palestinian politics in the years ahead."

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2005 im Fachbereich Politik - Region: Osteuropa, Note: 2,0, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München (Geschwister-Scholl-Institut für Politische Wissenschaft), Veranstaltung: Die Nachfolgestaaten Jugoslawiens, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Das Ende des Kalten Krieges und dem darauf folgenden Niedergang des Sowjet-Imperiums löst eine Welle von Demokratisierungen in den ehemaligen Satellitenstaaten aus. Einige von diesen, unter ihnen die Ukraine, wandeln sich allerdings zu Autokratien, die teilweise von ehemaligen Machthabern der UdSSR geführt werden. Ein ähnliches Bild zeigt sich in der Sozialistischen Föderativen Republik Jugoslawien (SFRJ). Zwar ist diese kein Teilstaat der UdSSR, aber dem Versuch von Teilstaaten sich zu einer Demokratie zu wandeln (v.a. Slowenien) steht auch hier der Wandel zu einer Autokratie unter Fortbestand der Führungselite (Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien, BRJ) entgegen. Dass dieser Wandel dort wesentlich konfliktreicher verläuft als in den ehemaligen Sowjet-Staaten, ist hier nicht Gegenstand der Analyse, interessant dabei sind vielmehr die jüngsten gewaltlosen Transformationen von Autokratien zu Demokratien. Als Beispiel hierzu sollen die Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien und die Ukraine dienen. Auslöser dafür sind in beiden Staaten sogenannte ¿stolen elections¿, also Wahlen, die von den bestehenden politischen Führern des jeweiligen Landes zwar verloren, im nachhinein aber entweder nicht anerkannt oder offensichtlich gefälscht werden. Dies führt zu einer großen Mobilisierung der Bürger, deren Proteste das herrschende Regime letztendlich zu Fall bringen. Ziel ist es nun diese demokratischen Revolutionen in der BRJ und der Ukraine genauer zu betrachten. Dazu ist es notwendig zunächst den Begriff Revolution zu definieren, um später klären zu können, ob es sich um eine Revolution gehandelt hat und in wie weit diese als demokratisch zu bezeichnen ist. Danach werden die Umstände, also die politische Situation in den genannten Staaten, unter denen der jeweilige Umsturz in diesen Ländern zu Stande gekommen ist, kurz erläutert. Eine besondere Berücksichtigung soll dabei auf die bereits erwähnten ¿stolen elections¿ gelegt werden und schließlich geklärt werden, ob und wann die Nichtanerkennung einer Wahlniederlage durch die bestehende Elite zu einem politischen Umsturz führt. Dann gilt es die Ergebnisse der Revolutionen in den einzelnen Ländern darzulegen und miteinander zu vergleichen. Abschließend soll ein Ausblick auf die nähere Zukunft dieser zwei Länder im Bezug auf Stabilität der Demokratie und Beitrittsperspektiven zur NATO und der EU gegeben werden.¿Wer eine friedliche Revolution verhindert, macht eine gewaltsame Revolution unausweichlich¿ - John F. Kennedy