Diplomati

An exploration of how China’s Belt and Road Initiative seeks to reshape international order and how it has catalyzed a new era of infrastructural geopolitics

This book examines the recent changes in strategic stability, caused by the collapse of the international security architecture. Against the background of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, international experts discuss topics and critical issues such as the revanchist strategy of Russia and the readiness of the United States (US) and Europe to give an adequate response; the influence of new technologies in the future of nuclear deterrence; and the crumbling of the arms control and nonproliferation system under the new challenges. The book explains how the combination of these factors lead to a crucial change of strategic stability and the international security landscape, the first such change since the end of the Cold War.Divided into three parts, the book presents timely analyses on (1) US, Russia: New Challenges and Strategic Stability in Europe; (2) Extended Deterrence and Arms Control in Europe; and (3) Regional Dimensions of Strategic Stability in Europe. It further offers perspectives from and case studies on different countries, such as Ukraine, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the USA, Turkey, Poland, and Romania.This book is a must-read for scholars for international relations, as well as policy-makers interested in a better understanding of the changing international security architecture, Russia's strategy, arms control, nonproliferation, and the future of nuclear deterrence.   

Debates in the United States about policy toward Taiwan tend to focus on the choice between strategic ambiguity and strategic clarity and how these options affect China's calculus on invading the island. The authors expand the discussion by considering how Japan, the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the Philippines would react to a range of policies the United States may choose to signal either an increase or a decrease in support to Taiwan. To do so, the authors reviewed each ally's historical relationship with Taiwan and the contemporary relations with the United States, China, and Taiwan. They also interviewed policymakers and experts in Japan, the ROK, and the Philippines about their views on hypothetical U.S. policy changes, including potential changes in U.S. diplomatic, intelligence, military, and economic relations with Taiwan. The authors find that Japan favors increases in many forms of U.S. diplomatic and military support to Taiwan and would adopt similar policies up to a point. The ROK and the Philippines favor the status quo and are less likely to increase support to Taiwan. All three allies oppose reductions in U.S. support to Taiwan, both because they believe it might lead to instability in the Taiwan Strait and because they would interpret reduced U.S. support to Taiwan as a signal of waning U.S. commitment to their own security. Such concerns would likely lead Japan and the ROK to try to draw the United States closer and increase defense spending. The Philippines' response would likely depend more on who is in power and China's recent behavior.

This handbook integrates a range of conceptual and empirical approaches to diplomacy in the context of ongoing technological and societal change. Technological and societal disruptions affect modern diplomacy, altering its character and reforming its way. In light of such changes, this book offers both historical foundations and contemporary perspectives in the field. By doing so, it demonstrates how contemporary change impacts the work of diplomats representing sovereign states. Global diplomatic services will forever be affected by the digitalization of engagement between states during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. In this rapidly changing culture, with burgeoning geopolitical and geostrategic realignment among global powers, the tools of diplomacy have changed. The state¿s foreign policy astuteness and responses to these changes could have long-term impacts. All this culminates in opportunities for improving the management of diplomaticservices and efficiency of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) of various states. This book provides useful insights into how modern diplomacy works, especially the integration of informalities into formal diplomatic practices in complex peace and security environments, within such a framework of change.

Het verhaal van de oprichting van de Verenigde Naties is een klassiek geval van diplomatie door middel van leugens. De Verenigde Naties volgden de ter ziele gegane Volkenbond op, de eerste poging om één enkele wereldregering op te richten in het kielzog van de Vredesconferentie van Parijs die aanleiding gaf tot het Verdrag van Versailles.De vredesconferentie opende op 18 januari 1919 in Versailles, Frankrijk, en werd bijgewoond door 70 afgevaardigden die de internationale bankiers van de 27 'zegevierende' geallieerde mogendheden vertegenwoordigden. Het is een feit dat de afgevaardigden onder leiding stonden van de internationale bankiers vanaf het moment dat ze werden geselecteerd totdat ze terugkeerden naar hun land, en zelfs nog lang daarna.Laten we duidelijk zijn, de vredesconferentie was bedoeld om Duitsland droog te bloeden; het was bedoeld om enorme sommen geld binnen te halen voor de internationale bankier-briganten die al obscene winsten hadden gemaakt bovenop de vreselijke verliezen van de vijfjarige oorlog (1914-1919). Groot-Brittannië alleen al leed 1.000.000 doden en meer dan 2.000.000 gewonden. Oorlogshistoricus Alan Brugar schat dat internationale bankiers 10.000 dollar winst maakten op elke gesneuvelde soldaat. Het leven is goedkoop als het aankomt op het Comité van 300 Iluminati-Rothschild-Warburg bankiers, de meesters van de Federal Reserve, die beide kanten van de oorlog financierden.Het is ook de moeite waard om te onthouden dat H.G. Wells en Lord Bertrand Russell deze verschrikkelijke oorlog hadden voorzien waarin miljoenen mensen - de bloemen van overwegend christelijke naties - onnodig stierven. De leden van het Comité van 300 hadden de oorlog zo gepland dat de internationale bankiers er flink van zouden profiteren. H.G. Wells werd de 'profeet' van het Comité van 300 genoemd. Het is waar dat Wells slechts de ideeën van de British East India Company (BEIC) actualiseerde die waren geïmplementeerd door Jeremy Bentham en Adam Smith, om maar twee van de slopers te noemen die door Koning George III werden gebruikt om de economische toekomst van de kolonisten van Noord-Amerika te ondermijnen en tot zinken te brengen die probeerden te ontsnappen aan de economische ontberingen die werden veroorzaakt door de overname van hun land door de Venetiaanse bankierskaste aan het eind van de jaren 1700.

How did the homesteads and reservations of the Prairies of Western North America influence German colonization, ethnic cleansing and genocide in Eastern Europe? Max Sering, a world-famous agrarian settlement expert, stood on the Great Plains in 1883 and saw Germany's future in Eastern Europe: a grand scheme of frontier settlement. Sering was a key figure in the evolution of Germany's relationship with its eastern frontier, as well as in the overall transformation of the German Right from the Bismarckian 1880s to the Hitlerian 1930s. 'Inner colonization' was the settlement of farmers in threatened borderland areas within the nation's boundaries. Focusing on this phenomenon, Frontiers of Empire complicates the standard thesis of separation between the colonizing country and the colonized space, and blurs the typical boundaries between colonizer and colonized subjects. This title is part of the Flip it Open Programme and may also be available Open Access. Check our website Cambridge Core for details.

Following the 2008 Beijing Olympics and Global Financial Crisis, China's foreign policy shifted to become more assertive, effecting a systematic deterioration in the US-China relationship. In 2017, the US' China policy shifted from that of 'engagement' to 'strategic competition' under Trump - a policy which has remained under the Biden administration.Indo-Pacific Security: US-China Rivalry and Regional States' Responses explores how states in the Indo-Pacific region have had to adjust to the reality and implications of this growing great power rivalry. In the process, this book fills a gap in the area studies, international relations, and security studies literature. It provides a compelling account of the trajectory of US-China relations while illuminating the varied responses of regional states: from Australia, India and Japan, to South Korea, Thailand, Taiwan, and Pacific Island states.

This book attempts to explain why despite widespread popular support (the ¿Greek Fire¿) in the United States of America for the Greek Revolution, the promulgation in 1823 of the Monroe Doctrine led to Washington D.C.¿s non-recognition of the Hellenic efforts. It examines the origins and tradition of the diplomatic doctrine of neutrality and argues that the Monroe Doctrine represents its full realization. The new foreign policy doctrine is placed within its proper diplomatic framework, while the role of Secretary of State John Quincy Adams is highlighted. What remains remarkable, is how high on the U.S. policy agenda the Greek War of Independence was and how close it came to being politically vindicated. The epilogue of this book demonstrates based on specific historical episodes, that the ¿Greek Fire¿ and the Monroe Doctrine set in many ways the political framework that came to define Hellenic-American relations for almost the next two centuries.

The last decade or so has seen US-China relations enter a negative spiral. The evolution of this complex relationship has triggered a fast-growing debate on whether this is a New Cold War. Building on a deconstruction of concepts such as cold wars and Cold War, this book illustrates how the relationship between the US and China has been a "marriage of convenience" - with both cooperation and competition - for years, but also that we might be close to the end of it. The US and China, it is argued, are locked in a "new type of cold war" where mechanisms of deterrence and competition differ compared to those of the Cold War, and which makes the return of bloc politics possible.

This book critically discusses the role of sports in nation branding and public diplomacy during the years 2020 and 2022, as the world was going through a global pandemic and health, economic, social, and political crises. The book argues that the use of sports for nation branding and public diplomacy goals is not new, but the changes the world went through required nations, places, communities, and individuals to modify and adapt the ways they use sports for country image purposes. After discussing global changes, the book outlines the theoretical frameworks of nation branding and public diplomacy, and discusses their manifestations through the evolution of the FIFA World Cup, the postponed Tokyo 2020 Olympic Games, the role of Title IX in American sports, the European Super League, the Oregon22 World Athletics Championships, the emergence of sport-tech diplomacy, and though the role of sports and the global order in an ever-changing world.

This multidisciplinary volume examines the meaning of global conflict and cooperation by international actors that can be caused by dis- or misinformation to people and discusses how to build diplomacy for peace and regional cooperation. The book further identifies boundaries of the relationships among the various governments of the world, transatlantic alliances, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, transnational corporations, and the overall interdependence of nations in the making of the modern world. Topics discussed in this volume include diplomacy, international relations theory, Eurasia politics, European Union, Brexit, Taliban taking over of Kabul government, and the ongoing Afghanistan conflict, terrorism, ISIS and Al Qaeda, international law, international organizations, interstate and intrastate war, threats and challenges, global civil society, religion, and culture. The volume advances contemporary theories and concepts to explain these issues concerning peoples and cultures in the complex world we live in.The book is a must-read for students, researchers, and scholars of international relations, political science, political history, political geography, economics, and law in general, as well as diplomacy, political communication, and security studies in particular.

Scientific and technological competition has emerged as a front on which strategic competition between the United States and China is contested. Scientific and technological dominance-the prize of this competition-has been recognized as a national priority by high-level leadership from both countries. This dominance can be attained in two primary ways: A country can rely on its domestic scientific and technology innovation resources and activities, or it can leverage foreign scientific and technological assets. The researchers focused on the second approach for this study; in this report, they describe the benefits and liabilities associated with U.S.-Chinese scientific research collaboration. Specifically, the researchers investigated three types of flows between the United States and China: the inflow of U.S. technology inputs into Chinese military technology, the bilateral movement of scientific researchers between the United States and China, and scientific collaboration between researchers based in the United States and those based in China.

The construction of Eurasia is a challenge for analysts due to its rapid progress from a Europe Asia Meeting (ASEM, 1996+) to a Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU, 2015+), an applied cross-continental Land New Silk Road since 2013-2015. Yet, in the same period, the crisis around Ukraine (2014+), a gradual then hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan by ISAF forces (2011-2021), the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran (2015), now a full member of the SCO since 2021¿ diplomatic decisions and interstate practical schemes seem to exceed the capacity of observers to theorise quickly enough what is happening. Conceptually, Eurasia is experiencing a mix of centripetal evolutions at its peripheries ¿ Europe and East-Asia ¿ and a launch of centrifugal dynamics from its core ¿ Russia and Central Asia.The present book¿s ambitious title The Completion of Eurasia ?, which could be subtitled in the face of pressing challenges, explores a concentration of diverse ¿ yet equally complex ¿ issues grouped into four main clusters: organisational and diplomatic competition, logistical and infrastructural challenges, grasping the concept of Eurasia, making sense of historic turns. It provides a multi-dimensional and multi-sectoral understanding of what Eurasia ¿is¿ in its essence, despite historical turmoil and pressing insecurity issues.This book completes a series of publications by the Europe-Asia research network formed in the late 2000s. Originally based in Europe (Le Havre, France), this network is moving to Central Asia (Almaty, Kazakhstan).

This book assesses the processes and outcomes of international urban networks in Europe from 2007 to the present day. Focusing on Greece in particular, it examines 162 municipalities involved in more than 240 European city networks to shed light on the various factors that affect cities¿ capacities to act as international actors. The book demonstrates that the participation of Greek municipalities in European city networks has entailed changes to local political structures, policies and procedures, as well as the strengthening of a ¿European¿ identity and the creation of long-term partnerships. At the same time, these changes have often clashed with bureaucratic traditions and unfavorable economic conditions, which have mitigated the reformatory potential of European city networking. Providing important insights into city diplomacy and Europeanization, the book will appeal to scholars and students of public administration, European integration and political science, as well as professionals and practitioners.

In this volume of selected essays and interviews, the author explores a number of fundamental issues regarding Armenia's foreign and security policies and scrutinizes the political culture as the framework within which positions have been defined and solutions have been sought. The previously published and unpublished material collectively analyze the political thinking that characterized the response to challenges the Third Republic faced and failed to address from the standpoint of statehood versus a vague but powerful nationalism. The author achieves this difficult task by studying themes such as Armenia and Armenians as agents of their own history as opposed to the dominant sense of victimhood, maximalism confused with patriotism, the role of mediators and other states as saviors, the comfort zone of illusions and legends as opposed to hard realism and pragmatism. Libaridian argues that the dominant but faulty framework led leaders of the state and Diaspora to a policy that bet on war rather than peace, a second Karabakh war that Armenia lost in 2020, a war that should have been avoided.