Diplomati

Can we create a world with shared norms and values to successfully meet collective threats to humankind? Should nations always behave the way they are doing now in the international arena? Can't they relate to each other differently? What prevents them from doing what is in their own interests?With such questions in mind, the author explores major IR theories that attempt to explain war, peace and commerce across nations. Though this does not give any ready-made answers to those questions, this can be a guide in one's search for answers.

Numerous books on the topic of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki have been published hitherto. Yet, no one has written about the fire and atomic bombings in the context of the U.S. justification of the crime of indiscriminate bombings and its relationship to Japan¿s political exploitation of the atomic bombing to cover up Hirohitös war responsibility. Further, no one has analyzed the fundamental contradiction in Japan¿s peace constitution between the concealment of Hirohitös war crimes and the responsibility of the U.S. Readers will learn how Japanese and U.S. official war memories were crafted to justify their respective wartime performances, exposing the flaws and failing of present-day democracy in Japan and the U.S. This book also explores how Japanese people could potentially create a truly powerful cultural memory of war, utilizing various forms of artwork including Japan¿s traditional performing art, Noh. It should appeal to many readers¿historians (both modern American and Japanese history specialists), constitutional scholars, students, peace and anti-nuclear activists, intellectuals as well as general readers.¿Japanese historian Yuki Tanaka presents here his life work on the grand subjects of Japanese war responsibility, the US-Japan relationship, US and Japanese war crimes and the emperor system. Matching meticulous archival research with personal and political advocacy, he concludes by calling upon Japanese and American civil society to confront the present-day Japanese state and inter-state system as a fundamentally flawed, seven-decade long design of obfuscation, concealment, and manipulation. It is also, he argues, increasingly precarious. Tanakäs radical, wide-ranging thesis deserves to be read.¿¿Gavan McCormack, Emeritus Professor, Australian National University¿This fascinating book caps decades of careful thinking about why nominally democratic Japan seems so undemocratic and so trapped in self-destructive foreign policies today. The author zeros in on postwar Japanese and American government collaborations to explain this phenomenon, including joint evasion of responsibility for bombing civilians during World War II, when, ironically, they themselves were bitter enemies. This is a genuinely thought-provoking contribution with many arresting observations based on little-known research about such topics as the emperor¿s place in the postwar Japanese political system, the 1945 surrender decision, Japan¿s history of empire, and the politics of nuclear weapons in postwar Japan.¿¿Laura Hein, the Harold H. and Virginia Anderson Professor of History, Northwestern University, USA

This book examines North Korea's foreign relations under Kim Jong-un. It focuses on how the North Korean regime manages the relations to meet its survival needs.

This book focuses on EU-MERCOSUR relations from a diplomatic and trade perspective against the background of the political agreement between the two in 2019. The authors take into consideration that EU-MERCOSUR cooperation developed during recent decades has tried, on the one hand, to build a strategic partnership to respond to the main challenges of international agendas and, on the other, to incorporate in Latin American countries the European new vision of transatlantic regionalism. Starting from a historical perspective of the development of interregionalism between the EU and MERCOSUR, the book goes on to study the geopolitical impacts of Brexit, stagnation of the EU-USA relationship, the COVID-19 pandemic, and of new geopolitical players in EU-LAC interregionalism. It discusses the legal institutional framework of the EU-MERCOSUR relations and provides a comparative view of features of MERCOSUR countries vis-à-vis the European Union. The book also analyses and provides a comprehensive overview of various aspects of interregional trade in the context of the 2019 agreement. Highly topical and authored by experts in this field, this book is of interest to a wide readership in the social sciences and economics: from political sociology to international relations, diplomacy studies and international trade.

This book puts forward a new angle of understanding the society of states in the milieu of the contemporary world. The absence of a regulatory mechanism, i.e., anarchy, has been the fundamental issue of international relations. This book explains how the normative imperatives, information and communication technology (ICT) and nuclear deterrence generated ambiance have poised the states in a society where they are bound to follow certain normative imperatives that dilute the color and meaning of anarchy and obliges the states to act in a certain way. It develops a theoretical proposition with regard to state power defined in terms of the capability of determining the outcomes. The proposition first elaborates how international institutions foster normative imperatives; then, in line with this ontology, it narrows down the focus solely on the power of the states in the contemporary world. It explains how the power that can determine the outcome today is holistic in nature, comprising both materialistic and normative factors. In the next step, it tailors the proposition in a way so as to employ it for a specific empirical work. The book does not end just positing the theoretical proposition; the proposition is testified through some case studies with regard to climate negotiations under the UNFCCC.The empirical part not only serves to examine the plausibility of the theoretical proposition, but it also presents the logic of the major actors and the politics with respect to some of the major issues of climate change, i.e., mitigation, funding policy and mechanism and adaptation. The scholars in this arena, climate activists and climate-conscious people in general would find this book worth reading as it kindles a different angle to understand the issues in the context of the contemporary world and as it elaborates the logic, framing process, and mechanism of reaching outcomes through complex negotiation process. No other work has so far analyzed the issues covering the entire period of 21 apex UNFCCC negotiations that led to the Paris Agreement. Apart from university libraries, this book, thus, has the prospect to be sold in the markets targeting the academicians, climate change experts, bureaucrats, negotiators and the common readers.

Framing the Islands' argues that Pacific regionalism has been politically significant for Pacific island states and societies. It demonstrates the power associated with the regional arena as a valued site for the negotiation of global ideas and processes around development, security and climate change.

This book states that burden-sharing is one of the most persisting sources for tension and disagreement within NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation). It also belongs to one of the most studied issues within NATO with distinguishable traditions and schools of thought. However, this pertinent question has been rarely discussed extensively by academics. The key idea of the book is to make burden-sharing more understandable as a historical, contemporary and future phenomenon. The authors take a comprehensive look at what is actually meant with burden-sharing and how it has evolved as a concept and a real-life phenomenon through the 70 years of NATO¿s existence.

This book posits an alternative narrative to Chinäs rise by focusing on its impact on Asia. Chinäs rapid rise as a multidimensional power is felt in all corners of the world and poses a direct challenge to the supremacy of the United States, which has held the status of a primary superpower ever since the end of the Cold War. For the most part, Asian countries want to avoid being dragged into this great power rivalry, preferring to adopt a more balanced and pragmatic approach. While a recognition of Chinäs greatness does not necessarily place states in a subservient position, the author argues that the most prudent approach for Asian nations is to avoid being caught in the middle of the US-China rivalry, as this allows them to derive benefits from both sides.

Longtime diplomat and negotiator Stuart E. Eizenstat covers every major contemporary international agreement, from the treaty to end the Vietnam War to the Kyoto Protocols and the Iranian Nuclear Accord. This book will be an indispensable volume to understand American foreign policy and provide invaluable insights on the art of negotiation for anyone involved in government or business negotiations.

Like in many other states worldwide, democracy is in trouble in South Korea, entering a state of regression in the past decade, barely thirty years after its emergence in 1987. The society that had ordinary citizens leading "candlelight protests" demanding the impeachment of Park Geun-Hye in 2016-17 has become polarized amid an upsurge of populism, driven by persistent structural inequalities, globalization, and the rise of the information society.The symptoms of democratic decline have been increasingly hard to miss: the demonization of political opponents, erosion of democratic norms, and the whittling away of the courts' independence. Perhaps most disturbing is that this all took place under a government dominated by former pro-democracy activists. Will the election victory of opposition leader Yoon Suk-Yeol end this democratic erosion, or will the rift between South Korea's progressives and conservatives only deepen with the next administration?The contributors to this volume trace the sources of illiberalism in today's Korea; examine how political polarization is plaguing its party system; discuss how civil society and the courts have become politicized; look at the roles of inequality, education, and social media in the country's democratic decline; and consider how illiberalism has affected Korea's foreign policy.

"Examines the flourishing relationship between North Korea, Cuba, and the Latin American Left through the 1960s, offering a new understanding of North Korean foreign policy and the rise of Tricontinentalism. An important addition to studies on the international Left and the Cold War"--

As Xi Jinping begins his historic third term in office, many will try to understand Xi as both person and leader. This book examines Xi's life and career with special emphasis on the West's changing perception of Xi and the important relationship between the United States and Xi's China.

The volume explores the role of soft power in US foreign policy past, present and future. It combines conceptual contributions to soft power research with empirical studies concerning the state and significance of soft power in US foreign affairs across different issue areas and bilateral relations.

From her unique perspective as former French ambassador to the UK, Sylvie Bermann examines the mistruths told by politicians surrounding the fateful 2016 Brexit referendum.

While China's growing economic power began reshaping the global economy in the 2000s and Beijing's foreign policy approach has increasingly sought to reshape the international order since the 2010s, the future role of China's rapidly improving military, the People's Liberation Army (PLA), on the global stage remains unclear. However, General Secretary Xi Jinping's 2017 assertion that the PLA will transform into "world-class forces" by 2049 implies that China will seek to develop at least some level of global military power over the next three decades. This study aims to understand where China might seek to gain basing and access for PLA forces abroad and what types of operations it might carry out there. The authors develop a framework to systematically assess valuable attributes from Beijing's perspective, focusing on the utility of potential host nations (desirability) and on China's ability to secure access (feasibility). They evaluate 108 countries across three priority regions-the Middle East, Africa, and the broader Indo-Pacific-and the respective U.S. combatant command areas of responsibility in which each country is located. The authors match 17 framework indicators, focusing on the 2030-2040 time frame, to available quantitative and qualitative data to assess and rank potential host nations. They discuss implications and recommend strategies for the U.S. government, the U.S. Department of Defense, and the U.S. Army to better understand China's plans for additional overseas basing and access and to prioritize risks to U.S. forces.

In this report, the authors look to the past to help anticipate what Chinese overseas access and basing might look like in the 2030s. They focus on three case studies of overseas military access and basing among the United States' competitors -- French bases in francophone Africa during De Gaulle's presidency, Soviet bases ringing the Mediterranean and Red Seas region under Brezhnev, and Russian bases in Syria during the ongoing Syrian civil war -- to understand how major powers have conceived of and used strategic basing in the past. France, the Soviet Union, and Russia -- together with the United States (also examined) -- have had the largest networks of overseas military bases in the post-World War II period. These cases represent a range of competitive behaviors, reflecting the uncertainty of Chinese behavior ten to 20 years in the future. Drawing on a combined examination of case studies and a literature review of U.S. basing experiences, the authors assess the potential risks posed by Chinese military expansion and recommend principles for the U.S. government, U.S. Department of Defense, and U.S. Army to adopt now to help shape the environment in which Chinese ambitions for global military presence will unfold.

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国連創設の物語は、欺瞞による外交の典型的なケースである。国際連合は、ヴェルサイユ条約を生んだパリ講和会議の後、消滅した国際連盟を引き継ぎ、単一の世界政府を樹立しようとした最初の試みであった。1919年1月18日、フランスのベルサイユで、「戦勝国」連合国27カ国の国際銀行家を代表する70人の代表団を集めて、講和会議が開かれた。代表団が選ばれてから帰国するまで、いや、帰国してからもずっと国際銀行家の指示のもとにあったことは事実である。はっきりさせておきたいのは、講和会議はドイツを干上がらせることであり、5年戦争（1914-1919）のひどい損失の上に、すでに法外な利益を得ていた国際銀行界の富豪に巨額の資金を得ることだった。イギリスだけでも死者100万人、負傷者200万人以上の被害が出た。戦史研究家のアラン・ブルガーは、戦死した兵士1人につき国際銀行が1万ドルの利益を得たと推定している。イルミナティ-ロスチャイルド-ウォーバーグ銀行家300人委員会、連邦準備制度の主であり、戦争の両陣営に資金を提供した人々にとっては、人生は安いものです。また、H・G・ウェルズやバートランド・ラッセル卿が、この恐ろしい戦争で何百万人もの人々（主にキリスト教国の花）が不必要に死亡することを予見していたことも忘れてはならないだろう。300人委員会のメンバーは、国際的な銀行家が大きな利益を得るように戦争を計画したのである。H.G.ウェルズは、300人委員会の「予言者」と呼ばれた。1700年代後半、ベネチアの銀行家カーストによる経済的苦境から逃れようとした北米の植民地住民の経済的未来を損ない、台無しにするためにジョージ3世が使った破壊者の二人を挙げると、ジェレミー・ベンサムとアダム・スミスが実行した英国東インド会社（BEIC）のアイデアをウェルズがアップデートしただけだということは事実である。