Våbenforhandlinger og våbenkontrol

"At a moment when humanity is on the precipice of nuclear catastrophe, philosopher Jean-Pierre Dupuy theorizes the limits of the logics of nuclear deterrence"--

International Humanitarian Law (IHL) or the Law of War is a branch of international law that condemns the use of nuclear weapons as being opposed to human principles and morality. This field of international law, as promulgated by the 1949 Geneva Convention, is profoundly anchored in Conventional Treaties, Customary Law, and basic legal concepts. They are outlined in international treaties and military textbooks on "law of armed conflict." The basic standards apply generally as a matter of customary international law and hence bind all governments regardless of their allegiance to a specific treaty. IHL, which applies equally to aggressor and victim states, strives to eliminate cruelty, unnecessary suffering, and devastation, as well as to maintain the potential of achieving a just and lasting peace. Thus, bearing in mind the fundamental principles of International Humanitarian Law, this work attempts to depict and analyse the position of nuclear weapons within the current form of IHL. There has been ongoing investigation into the merits of total destruction of this unconventional type of warfare, and enormous thought has been given to the lex lata laws that apply to nuclear bombs. The book begins with the "International Court of Justice's (ICJ) 1996 Advisory Opinion on The Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons (Nuclear Weapons Advisory Opinion" as its starting point. This book incorporates scholarly analysis of legal issues within the context of wider political arguments over the legal status of nuclear weapons under international law.

INTRODUCTION Women constitute about half of the population of any country, but their involvement in politics is insignificant as compared to that of men. A democratic country cannot progress if the energies of half of its population are concentrated in the kitchen only.1 To understand the status of women in society an examination of their political status is necessary. As political status is interlinked with socio-economic status, it has the capacity to influence the transformation of the socioeconomic system of the country. It has now been accepted that women's right to vote and occupy positions in society is fundamental to women's status.

"An insightful, well conceptualised and meticulously researched book, delves on the rationality of the momentous PLA's modernisation and restructuring. Thought provoking, it asserts the expansionist designs of PRC and builds on the China Threat Theory. An invaluable addition to the literature for understanding of PLA, with viable ways forwards for India." Lt Gen (Dr.) Rakesh Sharma, PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, VSM (Retd)Former Adjutant General, Indian Army &Distinguished Fellow CLAWS"Military modernisation and restructuring is defined as upgrading and adopting new technologies, new strategies to counter emerging challenges. PLA has embarked upon military modernisation and restructuring to improve the efficiency of the military and realigning its objectives to address current and future military challenges. The Book PLA Modernisation and Force Restructuring has highlighted that assertive China and modernised military will have geostrategic implications for regional and extra regional powers." Brig Narender Kumar, SM, VSM (Retd)Visiting Fellow CLAWS &Former Distinguished Fellow USI of India An aluminous of the National Defence Academy, Maj Gen Vivek Sehgal, VSM (Retd) was commissioned into the Indian Army in December 1979. He also served as a Brigade Major in a Brigade deployed in Punjab for Counter terrorist tasks in 1991-1992 and Colonel General Staff of a Division deployed in Counterinsurgency operations in Assam. The officer has, in addition to the command of his parent battalion, 8th Battalion the Rajputana Rifles, also raised 43 Rashtriya Rifles, trained, and commanded the battalion when deployed in the counterinsurgency grid in Jammu and Kashmir. A three-year tenure as Brigadier General Staff (China) as part of REDFOR (Red Force) in the Army training Command afforded him an opportunity to undertake extensive study on the Chinese Armed Forces. He superannuated in March 2016 as the Commandant of the prestigious Counter Insurgency and Jungle Warfare School. He is currently a Distinguished Fellow with the Centre of Land Warfare Studies, an independent think tank delving in security studies at national, regional, and global levels.

This book, through Pakistan-India experience, demonstrates an intimate relationship between political conflict and arms control. It proves that several contributing political conflicts affect arms control in distinct ways. Importantly, the combined effect of these pertinent political conflicts claim greater influence over arms control processes.

This book makes a case for a reorientation of the nuclear nonproliferation regime, posing an alternative conceptualization of nuclear order centered on the regional level. It draws on an array of theoretical tools from the literatures on regionalism, security governance, and international institutions, developing a framework that analyzes the conditions that would allow for more robust regional nuclear cooperation. These include the presence of (1) institutional architecture, (2) political, economic, and military relations among states, and (3) fundamental regional awareness and identity.Wan then deploys this theoretical approach to several case studies, including Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East, focusing on two interrelated questions. First, what is the viability of a stronger regional nuclear order in the region? Second, what form would such an order most likely take? In the process, the book identifies the magnitude and character of the proliferation challenge specific to each region. It also considers the existing character of nuclear cooperation at the regional level.Wan presents the historical development of regional nuclear order in Latin America as a model for the rest of the world. In this area, regional institutions - ranging from organizations to dialogues to ad hoc arrangements - gradually became more involved across economic, environmental, and human security domains, providing the foundation for multilateral cooperation in the nuclear arena. As his analysis shows, in light of the contemporary proliferation landscape, the establishment and strengthening of such regional nuclear orders is essential.

Recent discoveries in psychology and neuroscience have improved our understanding of why our decision making processes fail to match standard social science assumptions about rationality. As researchers such as Daniel Kahneman, Amos Tversky, and Richard Thaler have shown, people often depart in systematic ways from the predictions of the rational actor model of classic economic thought because of the influence of emotions, cognitive biases, an aversion to loss, and other strong motivations and values. These findings about the limits of rationality have formed the basis of behavioral economics, an approach that has attracted enormous attention in recent years. This collection of essays applies the insights of behavioral economics to the study of nuclear weapons policy. Behavioral economics gives us a more accurate picture of how people think and, as a consequence, of how they make decisions about whether to acquire or use nuclear arms. Such decisions are made in real-world circumstances in which rational calculations about cost and benefit are intertwined with complicated emotions and subject to human limitations. Strategies for pursuing nuclear deterrence and nonproliferation should therefore, argue the contributors, account for these dynamics in a systematic way. The contributors to this collection examine how a behavioral approach might inform our understanding of topics such as deterrence, economic sanctions, the nuclear nonproliferation regime, and U.S. domestic debates about ballistic missile defense. The essays also take note of the limitations of a behavioral approach for dealing with situations in which even a single deviation from the predictions of any model can have dire consequences.

The American government, through its media, has convinced most Americans to support the Ukrainian government. This books shows why this is a mistake: The United States promised Mikhail Gorbachev that NATO would not expand "one inch eastward"; and there had been ample warnings, by George Kennan and others, that moving NATO eastward, especially moving into Georgia and Ukraine, would cause problems for Russia. In Ukraine prior to 2014, Ukrainian and Russian speakers were coexisting tolerably well. But in 2013 and 2014, neocons in Obama's administration engineered a coup, with help from neo-Nazis, turning Ukraine into a Russia-hating nation. The war in Ukraine began that year (not in 2022, when Russia attacked in order to protect the Russian-speaking regions under attack by the new coup government in Kiev). Although this book is primarily about the war in Ukraine, it also shows how, in one sense, the war in Ukraine is simply one more instance in the trajectory of American imperialism. as illustrated by previous US interventions in Iran, Guatemala, Cuba, Brazil, Greece, Dominican Republic, Panama and Iraq. In another sense, this war reveals just how committed America is to maintaining a unipolar world order: Because this war illustrates that America is willing to threaten nuclear holocaust. it is almost as if people in the U.S. State Department and military believe that life is not worth living unless the US can control the world.

In Leveraging Latency, Tristan A. Volpe explores how weak nations compel concessions from superpowers by threatening to acquire atomic weapons. Volpe finds that there is a trade-off between threatening proliferation and promising nuclear restraint. States need just enough bomb-making capacity to threaten proliferation, but not so much that it becomes too difficult for them to offer nonproliferation assurances. Including four comparative case studies and identifying a generalizable mechanism--the threat-assurance tradeoff--Volpe provides a systematic assessment of the coercive utility of nuclear technology.

We had been there for over 12 hours. The man was still 30 feet up a tree, balancing on a branch directly over one of the main railway lines out of one of the busiest train stations in the country. He refused to talk to us, threatening to jump if we came too close. To him, we were the enemy. My job was to preserve his life.

"Originally published by Speaking Tiger Books, New Delhi, 2020"--Title page verso.

First published in 1985, this book explores the nuclear confrontation between East and West in Europe: where we stand, how we got there and what the future may hold. Its concluding chapter outlines the prospects for nuclear arms control in Europe, and it frames the debate over NATO strategy and the role of nuclear weapons in the years ahead.

Originally published in 1983, this book presents the upshot of deliberations from a conference organised by the Australian National University to examine the whole issue of nuclear war and its implications for Australia, including unforgettable illustrations of some of the consequences of nuclear war.

The authors examine the challenges to the U.S.-Russian bilateral strategic stability paradigm and assess possible policy changes that could address these challenges.