Interessegrupper og protestbevægelser

This volume attempts to examine the many possible causes of Brexit. The conceptual 'peg' on which the volume hangs is that, irrespective of one's views on whether Britain's exit from the EU was a good or a bad thing, Brexit can justifiably be seen as yet another example of a British policy fiasco. Put simply, the British political elite was not at its best.The collective concern of this volume is twofold. First, it advances possible explanations of how the Brexit issue arose. Why was Britain's membership of the EU thought to be so problematic for so many members of the British political elite and ultimately for a majority of voters? How did we get to June 2016 and the Brexit Referendum? Secondly, the volume examines how the issue was managed (or mismanaged) following the referendum result up until the Withdrawal Agreement in March 2019. The contributions to this volume explore these questions by looking at Brexit from different analytical angles. Some authors explore the long-term causes of Brexit, by disentangling the fraught relationship between the UK and the EU, which had provided the Brexit train with steam; others explore the highly conflictual domestic political dynamics in the run-up to the referendum and in the negotiations of a Brexit deal.The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of Journal of European Public Policy.

A unified theory of reasonableness - and how to be unreasonable for the right reasons. We're living in an age of division. From abortion rights to immigration, gun control to climate change, civil debate has gone out the window. Manners, order, and respect are being eroded. Why can't we all be reasonable?>The trouble is, what's "reasonable" to one person is outrageous to another. Is it okay to let children play in the backyard while others are working from home? To do your makeup on a train, or recline your seat on an airplane? What's the right way to breastfeed? To protect your neighborhood? To protest against injustice and oppression? In a world where we all think we're being reasonable, how can we figure out what's right? Looking back through history and around the world, Kirsty Sedgman set out to discover how unfairness and discrimination got baked into our social norms, dividing us along lines of gender, class, disability, sexuality, race... Instead of measuring human behavior against outdated standards of rules and reason, On Being Unreasonable argues that sometimes we need to act unreasonably to bring about positive change.

Hvornår har du sidst oplevet, at demokrati føltes godt?Der var engang, hvor Andreas ikke troede på, at demokrati overhovedet kunne føles godt. Det føltes som en tilskuersport, hvor han stod på sidelinjen uden at kunne overskue, hvordan han selv kunne deltage. Uden tro på, at der var plads til ham og hans engagement.Men demokrati er en deltagersport. Det er ligesom at cykle, svømme eller spille fodbold. Det skal føles med hele kroppen. Og ligesom at dyrke sport, så kan demokrati faktisk føles godt – og ikke bare fordi man vinder eller får sin vilje. Men fordi dét at være i et demokratisk fællesskab fyldt med samhørighed, stolthed, magt og håb kan være noget af det stærkeste, vi kan opleve som mennesker. Alt dette har Andreas oplevet på sin egen krop. Og i denne bog fortæller han om sin egen dannelsesrejse – fra at være demokratisk nybegynder, der egentlig allerede havde givet op, til at blive sådan én, der skriver en bog om som sine demokratiske erfaringer.Bogen er en samling personlige essays, der fortæller om seks forskellige fællesskaber og udforsker forskellige sider af demokratiets følelsesliv – fra at kæmpe med at finde sin egen stemme og føle sig berettiget til at bruge den, til at overvinde følelsen af magtesløshed ved at finde sammen med andre og skabe forandring.Andreas Lloyd har gennem de sidste 15 år været en drivkraft i en række nyskabende danske borgerinitiativer, så som Københavns Fødevarefællesskab, Borgerlyst, Samtalesaloner, Medborgerne og den danske klimabevægelse.

This groundbreaking collection interrogates protest camps as sites of gendered politics and feminist activism. Drawing on case studies that range from Cold War women-only peace camps to more recent mixed-gender examples from around the world, diverse contributors reflect on the recurrence of gendered, racialised and heteronormative structures in protest camps, and their potency and politics as feminist spaces. While developing an intersectional analysis of the possibilities and limitations of protest camps, this book also tells new and inspiring stories of feminist organising and agency. It will appeal to feminist theorists and activists, as well as to social movement scholars.

We're accustomed to seeing humour as a diversion from the serious side of life, but humour also permeates some of the most troubling political developments in recent years. From the resurgence of white nationalism to the erosion of democratic norms, jokes force-feed us objectionable ideologies while we gasp and splutter at all the side-splitting shenanigans. This book explores the relationship between humour and offensiveness in contemporary society. Drawing on examples from philosophical thinkers and popular culture, it invites readers to consider the dark side of humour. Weaving together cultural analysis, political discussion and philosophical reflection, the book provides an antidote to positive thinking about laughter and a roadmap for navigating different types of offensive humour.

'Gender' is a catch-all term: it is used in discourses on women's and LGBTIQ+ rights, gender equality, sexual education, gender studies - and by the anti-gender movements. The book offers an analysis of the blurring boundaries between political positions known as 'anti-gender' on the one hand and feminist and LGBTIQ+ strands on the other, starting from the hypothesis that there are discursive bridges between both camps which go beyond the exploitation of emancipatory attitudes. Rather, there are linkages which originate in mainstream feminist and LGBTIQ+ positions. The volume sheds light on these linkages in order to make the case for the need for alliances and dialogues to more effectively counter crusades on women's and LGBTIQ+ constituencies.

MODSTAND foregår i Holland under 2. Verdenskrig og er inspireret af Hollywood-legenden Audrey Hepburns barndomFjortenårige Edda hedder egentlig Audrey, men kalder sig Edda for at dække over, at hun er halvt englænder, hvilket besættelsesmagten ikke vil bryde sig om. Den by, Edda bor i, lider under nazisternes hårde behandling af befolkningen – indbyggerne sulter og lever i konstant frygt. Eddas onkel er blevet myrdet af nazisterne, og hendes bror er taget til fange. Edda vil gøre alt for at hjælpe den hollandske modstandsbevægelse med at kæmpe mod tyskerne.Men hvor meget kan en teenagepige egentlig gøre? Ret meget, viser det sig faktisk …En virkelig spændende fortælling, der giver et lærerigt indblik i de rystende forhold, Audrey Hepburn og den hollandske befolkning oplevede under besættelsen.Audrey Hepburn (1929-1993) var en belgisk-født, britisk skuespiller, som opnåede stor berømthed i en række Hollywood-film, bl.a. Prinsessen holder fridag, Pigen Holly og My Fair Lady. Hun var meget engageret i sit arbejde for UNICEF og gjorde en stor indsats for at sætte fokus på børns rettigheder.Lix: 26,7 ml=10,9 lo=15,8

In der Türkei entstand in den 1980er Jahren eine feministische Bewegung, welche die patriarchale Strukturierung von Macht-verhältnissen in der Gesellschaft, traditionelle Geschlechterrol-len, sexistische Denkmuster sowie deren institutionelle Veran-kerung in Frage stellte. Im Zuge der feministischen Bewegung gaben Feministinnen Zeitschriften heraus, die den Aktivistinnen dazu dienten, ihren Sichtweisen und Forderungen Ausdruck zu verleihen, soziale und kulturelle Bedingungen zu verändern und feministische Netzwerke zu schaffen. Die Zeitschriften feminist (1987-2005), Pazartesi (1995-2005), Roza (1996-2000) und feminist politika (2009-2015) wurden in verschiedenen Phasen der feministischen Bewegung in der Türkei herausgegeben. Autorin Gabriele Cloeters untersucht in dieser aufwendigen Studie, wie diese vier Zeitschriften das Problem der Gewalt gegen Frauen thematisieren und damit hegemonialen patriarchalen Diskursen entgegentreten bzw. diese aus einer feministischen Perspektive heraus neu bewerten.

'A masterful intervention that is particularly pertinent for an age of austerity, pandemic, and rising living costs' Robert Chapman, author of Empire of Normality'A brilliant and much-needed contribution to current debates' Ioana Cerasella Chis, University of Birmingham'A comprehensive analysis which also intelligently looks at how disability can fit into the modern world' Joshua Hepple, activist, writer and disability equality trainerThe rise of the extreme right globally, the crisis of capitalism and the withdrawal of all but the most punitive arms of the state are having a disastrous impact on disabled people's lives. Bob Williams-Findlay offers an account of the transformative potential of disability praxis and how it relates to disabled politics and activism. He addresses different sites of struggle, showing how disabled people have advanced radical theory into the implementation of policies.Examining the growth of the global Disabled People's Movement during the 1960s, Williams-Findlay shows how a new social discourse emerged that shifted the focus away from seeing disability as restrictions on an individual's body, towards understanding the impact of restrictions created by capitalist relations. He shines light on the contested definitions of disability, asking us to reconsider how different socio-political contexts produce varied understandings of social oppression and how we can play a role in transforming definitions and societies.Bob Williams-Findlay is the founder of Birmingham Disability Rights Group and the former Chair of the national organisation BCODP. He has written in various publications on the topic of disability politics.

How is solidarity understood by the people who practice it actively and daily? What is the role of solidarity in reconciling the relationship of individuals with the collective demands of communities that fight for the rights of others? Based on a variety of anthropological, sociological, and philosophical writings as well as ethnographic research, Maria Giannoula takes an elaborated look at the emotional and spiritual aspects of political participation within an activist group in Greece in the 2010s. This study is a valuable resource for those researching social movements and alternative communities, focusing on the ways in which individuals organise their own forms of activism.

Ordinary citizens fought City Hall to have a suicide barrier erected around North America's second most "popular" suicide magnet, the Bloor Viaduct over Toronto's Don Valley.

"This book investigates why Chinese factory workers might not be politically satisfied, but nevertheless engages only in economic protests. It examines collective action dynamics on the ground from workers' perspectives and shows that the lack of political activism is not a product of political satisfaction"--

Moderation is often presented as a simple virtue for lukewarm and indecisive minds, searching for a fuzzy center between the extremes. Not surprisingly, many politicians do not want to be labelled 'moderates' for fear of losing elections. Why Not Moderation? challenges this conventional image and shows that moderation is a complex virtue with a rich tradition and unexplored radical sides. Through a series of imaginary letters between a passionate moderate and two young radicals, the book outlines the distinctive political vision undergirding moderation and makes a case for why we need this virtue today in America. Drawing on clearly written and compelling sources, Craiutu offers an opportunity to rethink moderation and participate in the important public debate on what kind of society we want to live in. His book reminds us that we cannot afford to bargain away the liberal civilization and open society we have inherited from our forefathers.

" J'ai cherché dans mes précédentes études la place que la femme a occupée dans les sociétés qui ont laissé leur influence sur notre civilisation. Je termine aujourd'hui mon travail par un ouvrage qui a pour objet la condition de la femme française dans les temps modernes. Les quatre premiers chapitres de ce livre disent ce qu'a été la femme dans la vie domestique, intellectuelle, sociale et politique de notre pays, depuis le XVIe siècle jusqu'au XVIIIe inclusivement. En pénétrant dans les vieux foyers français je m'applique surtout à retrouver les principes sur lesquels repose la famille. Dans cette partie de mon oeuvre, j'interroge les personnes qui ont vécu dans ces trois siècles, je recueille leurs témoignages, ces témoignages que nous livrent particulièrement les mémoires domestiques, les correspondances privées, tous les documents intimes auxquels notre époque attache justement un si grand prix. Pour étudier la part qu'a eue la femme dans notre vie littéraire et artistique, je ne me suis arrêtée qu'aux modèles qui représentent vraiment une influence. Je m'y suis longuement attardée, comme le voyageur qui, après avoir rapidement traversé les plaines, s'arrête aux cimes des montagnes. Quant au rôle historique des femmes françaises, je n'y ai cherché que les éléments de ce problème très actuel: Dans notre pays, la femme est-elle apte à la vie politique ?"

The contributors to this book, first published in 1971, analyse as International Socialists the economic and social issues of modern society. Their findings were controversial, as was the alternative they proposed - the overthrow of the British system and its replacement by a society based on workers' control. A central theme of the book is the need for socialists to have a scientific view of the modern world - a socialist theory.

This book, first published in 1979, is a representative sample of some of the best articles that have appeared in DISSENT, the American democratic socialist quarterly. They provide a two-sided view of political and social action with the democratic society of the USA.

This book, first published in 1966, focuses on the stories of ordinary people who have stood up to tyrants around the world. Together they form an examination of political opposition, and a testimony.

This book offers a comparative, theory-grounded study of Maghrebi political parties since the Arab uprisings, specifically focused on Tunisia and Morocco in the first decade after the 2011 watershed elections.