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Originally published in 1994, the late Keith F. Otterbein's scholarship had followed an overall design since 1962, when he began conducting comparative studies of warfare using both ethnographic and cross-cultural methods. Through a conceptual framework derived from systems theory, he made signal contributions to our understanding of the role of warfare in human social evolution. He formulated a Fraternal Interest Group theory, utilizing it to explain not only feuding and warfare but also rape and capital punishment. Believing that armed combat is learned behaviour, he posed questions about its learning process that had yet to be answered. He acted as a major synthesizer of the growing literature on warfare and led attempts among anthropologists to apply their knowledge of war and peace to current events. This volume will serve both as a useful introduction to the anthropology of war and as a needed compendium of Professor Otterbein's ideas.

This book, first published in 1982, addresses the problem of assessing the central and regional balance of power. The collection of essays by experts on the different countries looks at the miscalculations about the military power of foreign countries which have been made in the past and the difficulties which have to be overcome today before we can reach a correct estimate of the power of other states.

This book, first published in 1990, is a provocative collection of military quotations that captures the human essence of warfare. From the skirmishes beneath the walls of Troy to the dropping of the atomic bomb, nearly 3,500 quotations distil the experiences of generations of soldiers, depicting the preparation for and the waging of war. Read the words of field marshals and generals, kings and dictators, and follow them into battle - Alexander the Great at Issus, Wellington at Waterloo, Sitting Bull at Little Big Horn and Montgomery at El Alamein. Here too are the recorded details of life among the ranks as diverse as ammunition and uniform, sick parade and comradeship, discipline and 'Dear John' letters. A final section, 'Last Post', deals with the tragic aftermath of conflict.

This book offers a comparative study of military reserves in contemporary democracies.

Despite publicity given to the successes of British and American codebreakers during the Second World War, the study of signals intelligence is still complicated by governmental secrecy over even the most elderly peacetime sigint. This book, first published in 1986, lifts the veil on some of these historical secrets. Christopher Andrew and Keith Neilson cast new light on how Tsarist codebreakers penetrated British code and cypher systems. John Chapman's study of German military codebreaking represents a major advance in our understanding of cryptanalysis during the Weimar Republic. The history of the Government Code and Cypher School - forerunner of today's GCHQ - by its operational head, the late A.G. Denniston, provides both a general assessment of the achievements of British cryptanalysis between the wars and a tantalising glimpse of what historians may one day find in GCHQ's forbidden archives. The distinguished cryptanalyst of Bletchley Park, the late Gordon Welchman, describes in detail how the Ultra programme defeated the German Enigma machine, while another Bletchley Park cryptographer, Christopher Morris, reminds us in his account of the valuable work on hand cyphers that wartime sigint consisted of much more than Ultra. Roger Austin's study of surveillance under the Vichy regime shows the continuing importance of older and simpler methods of message interception such as letter-opening. Taken together, the articles establish sigint as an essential field of study for both the modern historian and the political scientist.

The book presents a new materialist understanding of acts of deliberate destruction of the built environment and, specifically, of the politics of aggressive spatial containment and regularization of urbanity employed within the conflict in Palestine.

From Discrimination to Death studies the process of genocide through the human rights violations that occur during genocide.

This edited volume focuses on aspects of the understudied theme of African sea-power, including African navies and the engagement of non-African navies with the continent.

Schau auf den Mann, wenn du den Fotografen entdecken willst. Sein Vater hat gerade ein Fahrrad verkauft und schenkt ihm die erste Kamera, eine alte FED 5V. Goran ist 13 Jahre alt und weiß noch nicht, dass diese Vorgängerin einer Leica es ihm erlauben wird, rasch Fortschritte zu machen mit der Hilfe des Freundes seiner älteren Schwester, eines Berufsfotografen. Und aus seinem Leben ein ständiges Abenteuer machen wird - ausgebreitet auf den 444 Seiten dieses außergewöhnlichen Bandes, ein wichtiger Beitrag auf dem großen Weg der Fotoreportage und eine unverzichtbare Geschichte der letzten 30 Jahre.In den Fußstapfen und als Kollege von James Nachtwey ist Tomas¿evic¿ auch ein würdiger Nachfolger von Robert Capa, Larry Burrows, Don McCullins und einer der größten Profis seiner Generation. Auf seine ganz eigene Art bezieht er sich auch auf Mathew Brady, der im Bürgerkrieg von 1861 den "Geruch des Todes" in amerikanische Haushalte bringen wollte.Goran Tomas¿evic¿ schnitt sich nie von seiner serbischen Herkunft ab. Im Gegenteil, obwohl ihn bereits Afrika und der Nahe Osten faszinierten, berichtete er anfangs über die Situation in Kroatien und Bosnien 1991 und nahm Aufträge aus der lokalen Presse an, etwa von der kosovarischen Tageszeitung Pristina. Die Lehren und die Zuneigung seines Vaters und Großvaters im Kopf, widmete sich Tomas¿evic¿ vorrangig der schweren Krise im Land zwischen Bombenangriffen der NATO und Demonstrationen gegen Milos¿evic¿.Die Qualität seiner Reportagen, die Kraft seiner Bilder öffneten ihm die Tür zur berühmten Agentur Reuters, der er 1996 beitrat. In den folgenden 20 Jahren wurde er zu einem der am meisten ausgezeichneten Fotografen der Welt. "Wenn du die Fakten authentisch vermitteln willst, musst du dort sein, wo sie sind. Das ist die Herausforderung. Aber es ist schwerer," meinte er in einem Interview, "wenn die Stories in deiner Heimat passieren. Das tut am meisten weh." Dieses Geständnis zeigt einen der Gründe für seine Humanität, die alle seine Reportagen durchwirkt, von Pristina bis Kabul, sowie seine gesamte Fotografie, schon jetzt ein äußerst bedeutsames, ausdrucksstarkes Werk in der Welt der Fotoreportage. Die Bilder von Goran Tomas¿evic¿ sind nötiger als je zuvor, um die Wahrheit der Fakten zu erkennen und den Respekt gegenüber jedem Betrachter, Bürgern ohne Grenzen unseres völlig digitalisierten Planeten. Alain Mingam, President des World Press Photo Contest 1994 und Vizepräsident von Reporters Without Borders 2013 - 2015.AUSSTELLUNGGoran Tomas¿evic¿"Between War and PeaceVisa Pour l'ImagePerpignan, Frankreich27.08. - 11.09.2022

This is the first book to offer a comprehensive analysis of the emergence, nature, and function of Serbian paramilitary units during the violent breakup of Yugoslavia.The book investigates the nature and functions of paramilitary units throughout the 1990s, and their ties to the state and President Slobodan Milöevi¿. The work relies on the archives of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in The Hague, which conducted dozens of trials relating to paramilitary violence, and records from judicial proceedings in the region. It discusses how and why certain important paramilitary units emerged, how they functioned and transformed through the decade, what their relationships and entanglements were with the state, the Milöevi¿ regime, and organized crime. The study thus investigates the interrelated ideological, political, and social factors and processes, fueling paramilitary engagement, and assesses the impact of this engagement on victims of paramilitary violence and on the state and society for which the units purportedly fought. It argues that coordinated action by a number of state institutions gave rise to paramilitaries tasked with altering borders while maintaining plausible deniability for the sponsoring regime. The outsourcing of violence by the state to paramilitaries led to a significant weakening of the very state these units and their sponsors swore to protect. The book also analyzes differences between the units and how they attacked civilians, arguing that the different forms of violence stemmed not only from the function they fulfilled for the state but also the ways in which they were set up and operated. The final chapter brings the different strands of the argument together into a coherent whole, suggesting avenues for further research, in the former Yugoslavia and beyond.This book will be of much interest to students of ethnic conflict and civil war, war crimes, Balkan politics, and International Relations in general.

This companion presents a critical collection of Sinhala resistance literature from Sri Lanka. It includes translated short stories and excerpts from Sinhala novels, written after the civil war in the country. Featuring national award-winning writers, the selected texts share a common theme of resistance as the writers write against an exclusivist nationalism that was propagated through mass media and platforms of party politics in Sri Lanka during the war.The volume addresses crucial issues such as the fate of civilians in war, the role of religion in Sri Lankan polity, media censorship, the experience of women in war, as well as the current education system and youth problems in present day Sri Lanka. It highlights an alternate discourse that runs among the ethnic Sinhala group and contributes to the overall movement towards peace and reconciliation among the different ethnic communities in Sri Lanka.A unique addition to the growing oeuvre of translated Sinhala literature, the companion will be indispensable to students, scholars, and researchers of ethnic studies, war and peace studies, peace and conflict studies, literature, cultural studies, political sociology, and South Asian studies, particularly those interested in Sri Lankan literature.

This edited volume seeks to contest prevailing assumptions about torture and to consider why, despite its illegality, torture continues to be widely employed and misrepresented.

I 2014 vender Victoria tilbage til et krigsramt Ukraine for at finde ud af mere om sin bedstemors onkel Nykodym, som på mystisk vis forsvandt i 1930’erne. Hvad skete der med ham under krigen? Hvordan ved familien så lidt om hans skæbne, og hvorfor forbyder bedstemoren, Valentyna, Victoria at grave i fortiden? I Poltava i Ukraine, familiens hjemstavn, er KGB for længst fordrevet. Men minderne forbliver, og den tidligere hovedkvartersbygning med de årvågne røde sirener – i byen kendt som “Hanehuset” – får stadig de lokale til at skælve. ‘De røde sirener’ er en gribende fortælling om Ukraines historie i det tyvende århundrede gennem udforskningen af en familie i fire generationer, hvor en hemmelighed ligger gemt i hjertet af familiens historie.

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2018 im Fachbereich Politik - Thema: Frieden und Konflikte, Sicherheit, , Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: This paper deals with terrorism in Lake Chad Basin. Since 2011, Nigeria has been facing Boko Haram terrorists activities. The trend is multidimensional: from complex security challenges, ranging from transnational organized crime, terrorism and proliferation of advanced and light weapons, to the simple and common security challenges. More disturbing was the protracted and internationalized insurgent activities of Boko Haram elements of north-eastern areas of Nigeria. Over the course of less than two decades Boko Haram has morphed from a terrorists group operating within Nigeria to a regional terror group with a regional presence across multiple countries in West Africa and beyond but also gradually spreading to a large portion of the Lake Chad Basin. Taking into cognizance that Nigeria is the main victim of the insurgency, has been the center piece upon which the regional security framework performs or operates.The main issue addressed in this paper is to appraise how the countries of the region approached security challenges collectively. The paper further, analyses the modus operandi of the Nigerian state through regional cooperation to tackle terrorist activities in the Lake Chad Basin region of West Africa. To do this, the paper looks at the bases for security cooperation between Nigeria and her neighbors in line with the ECOWAS security framework. Using the ECOWAS, we intend to interrogate the following questions; What is the nature of Nigeriäs cooperation with her neighbors in tackling terrorism especially in the Chad Basin area? What are the mechanisms put in place in the fight against terrorists activities and, why is it that there are increases in these attacks in spite of the presence of numerous regional and sub- regional joint task forces in the area?

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2019 im Fachbereich Politik - Thema: Frieden und Konflikte, Sicherheit, Note: 1.7, Universität zu Köln (Orientalisches Seminar), Veranstaltung: Der Kurdenkonflikt im Nahen Osten - Irak und Iran, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: In diesem Werk geht es um die Frage, ob das Massaker an den Jesiden 2014 ein Genozid war oder nicht. Zudem wird die Frage geklärt, was überhaupt ein Genozid ist und woher das Wort Genozid kommt. Sie erhalten viele verschiedene Informationen über das jesidische Volk, über ihr Leben, Kultur, Sprache und Feste. Auch berichte ich, wie sich das Massaker an dem jesidischen Volk am 3. August 2014 abgespielt hat und gehe auf die Verbrechen des Islamischen Staates an dem jesidischen Volk ein.

This volume seeks to start a revival of the field of disarmament law scholarship.Law is a fundamental component of disarmament, yet today, most perspectives on the wide range of disarmament issues that exist come primarily from political, diplomatic and public advocacy angles. The aim of this book is to revive the field of disarmament law building on earlier, important and still relevant contributions by international lawyers to the subject. The collection brings together international scholars on various aspects of disarmament. The contributions range across a variety of weapons types, adopt different approaches - doctrinal, historical and critical - to the issues being discussed and taken together, constitute a snapshot of the ideas, concerns and issues that currently occupy disarmament law scholars.The book will be essential reading for academics, researchers and policy-makers working in the area of disarmament.

Violence against Women in and beyond Conflict explores the processes and structures that underlie and contribute to sexual violence and internal displacement in armed conflict, utilizing extensive ethnographic research to provide cutting-edge insights.The author argues that the key to understanding violence against women lies at the intersection of transnational capital, race, and gender that not only contribute to its production but also to its persistence. The book uses the Colombian armed conflict as the primary case study but develops a broader framework for theorizing the relationship between the global political economy, the history of coloniality, and intersectional constructions of gender and race with regard to conflict and violence. It offers an understanding of violence against women as not isolated from, but part and a symptom of, a larger system of political, social, and economic inequality that is rooted in colonialism, and exploited and exacerbated by transnational capital relations. The author also shows how the state and non-state actors, most prominently paramilitaries, are involved in this relationship of violence. The book highlights implications for meaningful and sustainable peace in post-conflict contexts.This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of international relations, gender studies, and conflict studies; as well as policymakers, (non)governmental organizations, and practitioners interested in conflict and security.

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2018 im Fachbereich Geschichte Europas - Zeitalter Weltkriege, Note: 1,0, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Die blutigen Auseinandersetzungen zwischen den Ukrainern und Polen, die im Laufe des Krieges ihren Höhepunkt fanden und weiter bis 1947 andauerten bezeichnet man in der Literatur für gewöhnlich als den ukrainisch-polnischen Konflikt. Jedoch gingen die Ereignisse, die sich im Jahre 1943 im mehrheitlich ukrainischen Wolhynien abspielten weit über die Bedeutung eines ¿Konflikts¿ aus. Der antipolnische Massenmord, ausgeübt von ukrainischen Nationalisten kostete Tausende Polen und auch Ukrainer das Leben. Der Wunsch nach legitimer Herrschaft und einer unabhängigen, ethnisch reinen Ukraine führte zu einer Mordorgie, die bis heute ihre Spuren in der Geschichte hinterlassen hat. Neben dem Holocaust und den direkten Opfer des Zweiten Weltkrieges, wurden aufgrund des ukrainisch-polnischen Konflikts in den Jahren 1943 und 1947 zwischen 50.000 und 100.000 Polen und Ukrainer in Wolhynien und Ostgalizien ermordet und 1,5 Millionen Menschen mussten ihre Heimatdörfer verlassen. Wolhynien, sowie das restliche östliche Gebiet des Zwischenkriegpolens erlebten zwischen 1939 und 1944 eine dreifache Besatzung und Säuberungen nach Säuberungen. Die Frage, die sich nun stellt, ist wie es zu diesem Massenmord kommen konnte? Was waren die Ursachen und Gründe, und wie konnte ein solches Verbrechen unter einer ethnisch gemischten Bevölkerung eines gleichen Gebiets passieren? Die Auseinandersetzung mit diesem Thema fing eigentlich erst nach dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion an, da die sowjetische Zensur es davor nicht erlaubte. Rossolinski-Liebe, der sich in seiner neuesten Monographie ¿Der polnisch-ukrainische Konflikt im Historiendiskurs¿ von 2017 mit diesem Thema gründlich auseinandersetzte, erkennt das Problem der Geschichtsschreibung und die stark vorhandene Nicht-Objektivität in der Forschungsliteratur, wenn es um die antipolnische Massengewalt von 1943/44 in Wolhynien und Ostgalizien geht. Dieses Problem der Nicht-Objektivität führte zu völlig verschiedenen Interpretationen. Polnische Historiker reduzierten den Konflikt nur auf das Massaker und die ukrainischen Anschläge gegen polnische Zivilisten, während andere Aspekt des Konflikts, wie die polnischen Gegenangriffe auf ukrainische Zivilisten Ignoriert wurde. Die ukrainischen Historiker dagegen, reduzierten ihre Version der Geschichte auf die ukrainischen Opfer des polnischen Terrors.

What is diplomacy? An art, a craft? Or something in between? Is there such a thing as a diplomatic secret recipe? What actually makes a good diplomat? What tips and tricks help to break the deadlock? When does humor help, when only bluffing? How do diplomatic cultures and styles differ in different countries? How undiplomatic can, and perhaps even must, a diplomat sometimes be? How does the work of today's diplomats differ from that of their predecessors? And why do we need diplomats today, when half the world is just a click away from the next video conference? In this book, renowned companions of Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger - including several current and former heads of state and government - reflect on basic questions of diplomacy. Taking the reader behind the scenes of diplomacy, they reveal their most astonishing experiences, successes, and failures on the diplomatic stage, or outline their ideas for the diplomatic handling of unresolved challenges. A book for anyone who wants to better understand what matters when negotiating war and peace.

Det er mere end 10 år siden, folkelige oprør fik fjernet Tunesiens og Egyptens diktatorer fra magten. Det var starten på Det Arabiske Forår, der skulle transformere det arabiske Mellemøstens autoritære regimer til demokratier. Men efter militærkup i Egypten, borgerkrig i Libyen, Syrien og Yemen og konflikter de fleste andre steder i Mellemøsten kan man spørge, om Det Arabiske Forår var en fiasko og i givet fald hvorfor.Mellemøstforsker Lars Erslev Andersen kortlægger de dramatiske politiske skillelinjer i regionen for at finde svar på disse spørgsmål. Centralt for forståelsen står fordelingen af ressourcer, religiøse og etniske udfordringer, generationskonflikter og spørgsmålet om kvinders rettigheder. Og ikke mindst handler det om, hvordan de enkelte lande vil positionere sig såvel regionalt som i den globale orden, der er under konstant forandring.Udgivelsen er en storskrift-udgave til svagsynede i serien MAGNUMBØGER Lindhardt og Ringhof.

’En meget stærk og klar røst, som ikke viger tilbage for uden forbehold og på en meget tilgængelig måde at udstille kernen i zionismen og Israels politik i Palæstina. I en verden, som er forvirret over de mange konkurrerende fortællinger, misinformation og forfalskninger, er denne bog en fortræffelig guide til forståelse af omfanget af de forbrydelser, der bliver begået mod palæstinenserne, og til forståelse af, hvilke lidelser og hvilken undertrykkelse de udsættes for.’ Professor Ilan Pappe, Exeter Universitet, israelsk historiker og forfatter ’Denne bog beskæftiger sig rationelt og vidende med et emne, der næsten altid skaber temmelig meget ophidselse også, når det blot er titlen på en bog. Det kan godt være, at læseren ikke er enig i alt, hvad White påstår, men det er en meget prisværdig anstrengelse at kaste lys over et så belastet emne.’ Ærkebiskop Desmond Tutu, vinder af Nobels Fredspris Nærværende bog, der udkom i 2014, er anden udgave af hans første bog ’Israeli Apartheid: A Beginner’s Guide’, som udkom i 2009 på Pluto Press med forord af John Dugard, sydafrikansk professor og tidligere særlig rapportør for FN om menneskerettigheder i de besatte, palæstinensiske områder.

Efter USA lancerede sin krig mod terror har alverdens regimer brugt dette som anledning til at terrorstemple al modstand og oprør. De danske regeringer har underlagt sig USA’s udenrigspolitiske mål, og det har blandt andet betydet terrorstempling af palæstinensisk modstand mod besættelse, og kurdisk og colombiansk oprør mod undertrykkelse. Ikke bare den danske stat og domstole, men også de fleste medier har fulgt USA’s linje, og derfor har ensidighed været fremherskende. Derfor falder denne bog på et særdeles tørt sted. Gerry Leach giver en forklaring på, hvorfor FARC i 50 år har ført guerilla-krig, og hvorfor FARC ikke forsvinder, selvom FARC adskillige gange er blevet erklæret slået. Forklaringen er ganske enkel, at det ikke er FARC, der bestemmer, hvorledes den politiske modstand kan eksistere. Colombia har verdens største antal internt fordrevne og er præget af ekstrem ulighed og undertrykkelse. At forestille sig, at den colombianske stat vil tillade en demokratisk opposition, kan være svært. Drab og undertrykkelse hører stadig til dagens orden i Colombia. Dertil kommer, at Colombia er USA’s nærmeste ven i Sydamerika. Og USA vil næppe tillade at miste sin kontrol over Colombia.