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Indtil for relativt nyligt var verdenshistorien skrevet på en måde, som fik det til at se ud, som om kun stormænd, bisper, konger og militærmænd var værd at fortælle om – med særlig vægt lagt på ordet ’mænd’. Niels Skyum-Nielsens tobindsværk "Fruer og vildmænd" gør op med den traditionelle patriarkalske historiefortælling, hvor mandlige historikere fortæller om mandlige historiske personer og ignorerer det enorme flertal af kvinder, slaver, fattige og svage mennesker, der til enhver tid har fyldt lige så meget i samfundet, og derfor også fortjener en plads i historien.I "Fruer og vildmænd" genfortæller Niels Skyum-Nielsen den danske middelalderhistorie, så den afspejler hele samfundet og understreger desuden vigtigheden af dette opgør med den traditionelle historiefortælling. Andet bind fra 1997 fokuserer på perioden 1340-1400 og omhandler blandt andet de mange indflydelsesrige middelalderdronninger, hvoraf Margrete den første er den mest kendte, men bestemt ikke den eneste, der satte sit aftryk på danmarkshistorien.Niels Skyum-Nielsen (1921-1982) var en dansk historiker. Han blev uddannet ved Københavns Universitet i 1949 og blev efterfølgende ansat samme sted med speciale i middelalderhistorie. Som forfatter står han bag en række bøger, herunder "Fruer og vildmænd", "Kvinde og slave", "Kirkekampen i Danmark" og "Blodbadet i Stockholm og dets juridiske maskering".
A dramatic and timely account of Stalin’s failed invasion of Finland in 1939, and the decade of wars and fraught relations that followed
After the death of Stalin, the Soviet Union underwent profound changes as the communist project was rejuvenated. Robert Hornsby details this remarkable era of Soviet history, in which mass repression was reined in, cultural restrictions slackened, new connections with the outside world proliferated, and the Cold War reached its peak.
In 1458 George of Trebizond transferred the Plato-Aristotle controversy from the Byzantine world to the Latin by publishing his Comparatio Philosophorum Platonis et Aristotelis et Praestantia Aristotelis, a full-scale attack on Plato and the Platonic tradition from antiquity to the present day, ending with a violent diatribe on the dangers posed by the influence of Cardinal Bessarion's recently deceased teacher, George Gemistus Pletho. To respond, Bessarion knew that he would have to do so in Latin, but in actuality, he composed his response in Greek and then translated it into Latin. The result was the Liber Defensionum contra Obiectiones in Platonem, which was ready for publication by 1466. At that point, however, he withdrew it from publication in order to expand its content as well as to refine its Latinity. Bessarion's response finally appeared in 1469 as the In Calumniatorem Platonis. But it was in the Liber Defensionum that Bessarion made his major decisions on what to include as well as what to exclude from his original Greek text and exactly how he would render the Greek into Latin. Thus, to understand the language and structure of the In Calumniatorem Platonis one must turn first to the Liber Defensionum.
¿This book considers how legal history has shaped and continues to shape our shared present. Each chapter draws a clear and significant connection to a meaningful feature of our lives today. Focusing primarily on England and Australia, contributions show the diversity of approaches to legal history¿s relevance to the present. Some contributors have a tight focus on legal decisions of particular importance. Others take much bigger picture overview of major changes that take centuries to register and where impact is still felt. The contributors are a mix of legal historians, practising lawyers, members of the judiciary, and legal academics, and develop analysis from a range of sources from statutes and legal treatises to television programs. Major legal personalities from Edward Marshall Hall to Sir Dudley Ryder are considered, as are landmarks in law from the Magna Carta to the Mabo Decision.
This book defines Russophobia as the irrational fear of Russia, a key theme in the study of propaganda in the West as Russia has throughout history been assigned a diametrically opposite identity as the "Other." Propaganda is the science of convincing an audience without appealing to reason. The West and Russia have been juxtaposed as Western versus Eastern, European versus Asiatic, civilized versus barbaric, modern versus backward, liberal versus autocratic, and even good versus evil. During the Cold War, ideological dividing lines fell naturally by casting the debate as capitalism versus communism, democracy versus totalitarianism, and Christianity versus atheism. After the Cold War, anti-Russian propaganda aims to filter all political questions through the simplistic binary stereotype of democracy versus authoritarianism, which provides little if any heuristic value to understand the complexities of relations. A key feature of propaganda against the inferior "Other" is both contemptuous derision and panic-stricken fear of the threat to civilization. Russia has therefore throughout history been allowed to play one of two roles-either an apprentice of Western civilization by accepting the subordinate role as the student and political object, or a threat that must be contained or defeated. While propaganda has the positive effect of promoting unity and mobilizing resources toward rational and strategic objectives, it can also have the negative effect of creating irrational decision-making and obstructing a workable peace.
A vast system of prisons, camps, and exile settlements, the Gulag was one of the defining attributes of the Stalinist Soviet Union and one of the most heinous examples of mass incarceration in the twentieth century. It combined a standard prison system with the goal of isolating and punishing alleged enemies of the Soviet regime. More than 25 million people passed through the Gulag from its creation in 1930 to its dismantling in the 1950s.By presenting both the everyday experiences of ordinary prisoners and the overall political and economic background of the system, The Gulag: A Very Short Introduction offers a succinct and comprehensive study of the Gulag and its legacy in the former USSR.
Matthew of Edessa's Chronicle is a valuable source for the history of the Near East in the 10th-12th centuries. Matthew's work describes the period from 952 to 1129. Appended to it is a continuation by Gregory the Priest, which describes events from 1137 to 1162. Western scholars have used the Chronicle primarily for its unique information on the Crusades. It contains, additionally, invaluable information on Byzantium, the Arabs, Seljuks, Persians, and especially the Armenians, both secular and clerical, both lords and louts. Volume 3 was written in 1136-1137 and covers the period from 1102 to 1129, and includes the continuation by Gregory the Priest.The Sophene Dual Language series places the Classical Armenian text side-by-side with its English translation, making for the most accessible editions of the finest works of Armenian literature.Translated into English by Robert Bedrosian.
Men made their way to Russia as explorers, diplomats, and tourists long before women traveled and lived in this frozen land. Sixteen courageous and intrepid European and North American women featured here lived and traveled in Russia from the end of the eighteenth century to the aftermath of the Russian Revolution, these are their letters.
As war rages between Russia and Ukraine, the doctrines and tactics of the Soviet military legacy remains of great concern. The Soviet Union's doctrine of night attack, or ""nochnoy udar,"" was a key component of the Soviet military's ability to achieve surprise and shock in the early stages of a conflict. This report is a comprehensive case study of the Soviet doctrine of night attack, including its development, its application, and its impact on the battlefield. It is a must-read for anyone interested in the history of armored warfare, the Soviet and Russian armies, and the history of the modern battlefield.Soviet ground force tactical units conducted night attacks in accordance with a theoretical model that lasted through the Cold War. Its salient characteristics were pre-battle reconnaissance, attack from the march, dismounted assault, illumination, patrolling, commitment of a second echelon, and penetration of the defending brigade reserve positions by dawn. Demonstrated Soviet tactical unit deficiencies in executing nhe bight attack included land navigation and terrain orientation, driving, and use of night vision devices. Theoretical vulnerabilities which were identifed include over reliance on illumination, predictibility of combat reconnaissance patrols, and physical exhaustion of Soviet troops. Actual experience in Ukraine has demonstrated the existence of these deficiences and more.The report includes a thorough bibliography based on the Russian sources.This book is annotated by Nimble AI with: a Foreword by Guderian [AI] the Contributing Editor for Armored Warfare at Nimble Books; a variety of abstracts including scientific style, tldr, tldr one word, Explain It to Me Like I'm Five Years Old, Action Items; a choice of Viewpoints including MAGA Perspective and Red Team Critique; a recursive summary with synopsis; page-by-page summaries; and interior mood art by artist herb.loc['AI'].
Russia has an extensive history of domestic military aircraft manufacture and a vast array of air power at its disposal. Despite comprehensive plans to upgrade, renew and replace ageing aircraft and weaponry, heavy sanctions have exposed the country's reliance on Western technology, and challenged Russia's ability to acquire materials and equipment. Russia's air capability has been tested in its war in Ukraine and the weaknesses of its power exposed.This comprehensive guide details the different types of aircraft that the Russian military has at its disposal including fighters, bombers, surveillance, intelligence and reconnaissance aircraft, helicopters, support vehicles, uncrewed weaponry, and maritime aircraft. Within these categories, each aircraft type is detailed, including its production history, life upgrades, weaponry capability and current use in warfare. A detailed specification provides aircraft dimensions, weight, performance, powerplant and armament where appropriate. Packed with more than 275 photographs, this book also provides an overview of Russia's aerospace forces, with command centres, units and squadrons for the army, navy and air powers all detailed.
Internal collapse and a succession of varying Russian governments in 1917 necessitated the need for British policy makers to re-evaluate their attitudes toward Russia. It is well-known that this ultimately evolved into hostility towards Bolshevism. What is not so evident is how this decision was arrived at. Nor was it as clear-cut as one might believe. This book makes use of both primary sources and primary sources contained within secondary ones to argue that Britain's policy towards Russia at this time cannot be understood without first exploring the "missing dimension" that intelligence played in shaping the policy makers' final decisions. Unfortunately, at precisely this time, when valid and verifiable information was required from intelligence gathering agencies, these same agencies were suffering from severe handicaps. Official diplomatic relations with the Bolsheviks had been cut off, unofficial representatives did not adequately replace the official presence, covert intelligence operated with little or no accountability to policy, and the system of independent analysis of intelligence designed to provide checks and balances in the decision-making process were inoperative during the First World War. The study is not balanced. It concentrates much more carefully on the British than the Russian side, although Russian policy is explored where it illustrates the ineptitude of British intelligence. As such, it uses the Gregorian rather than the Julian calendar then in use in Russia. By looking at intelligence and analysis related to the March and November Revolutions, Allied intervention, and the decline of British representatives from diplomat to spy the cognate essay confirms Professor Keith Neilson's thesis. Rather than looking at British questions during World War One through the two classic views of civil-military relations or easterners versus westerners, the alternative approach of exploring Britain's relations within its alliance system should be given more attention. As part of an alliance system, British decisions had to be made in light of those alliances. In the case of Russia, intelligence was vital in ascertaining the best possible approach to be taken in the fluid and teetering Russian internal situation. Intelligence thus took on a role even more important than it normally might.
Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine has reshaped history. In the decades after the collapse of Soviet communism, the West convinced itself that liberal democracy would henceforth be the dominant, ultimately unique, system of governance. An outburst of Western triumphalism proclaimed a US-led unipolar world entitled to 'impose democracy' on countries that failed to recognise the new order. Politicians foretold the universalisation of Western values as the final, enduring form of human society, a hubris that shaped how the West would treat Russia for the next two decades. But history wasn't over. Subsequent events proved it is unwise to make predictions, especially about the future. In February 2022, Vladimir Putin took great delight in proving it. Putin is a paradox. In the early years of his presidency, he appeared to commit himself to friendship with the West, suggesting that Russia could join the European Union or even NATO. He said he supported free-market democracy and civil rights. But the Putin of those years is unrecognisable today. The Putin of the 2020s is an autocratic nationalist, dedicated to repression at home and anti-Western militarism abroad. So, what happened? Was he lying when he proclaimed his support for freedom, democracy and friendship with the West? Or, was he sincere? Did he change his views at some stage between then and now? And if that is the case, what happened to change him?Putin and the Return of History examines these questions in the context of Russia's thousand-year past, tracing the forces and the myths that have shaped Putin's politics of aggression: the enduring terror of encirclement by outsiders, the subjugation of the individual to the cause of the state, the collectivist values that allow the sacrifice of human lives in battle, the willingness to lie and deceive, the co-opting of religion and the belief in Great Russia's mission to change the world.
This book provides a systematic account of media and communication development in Soviet society from the October Revolution to the death of Stalin. Summarizing earlier research and drawing upon previously unpublished archival materials, it covers the main aspects of public and private interaction in the Soviet Union, from public broadcast to kitchen gossip. The first part of the volume covers visual, auditory and tactile channels, such as posters, maps and monuments. The second deals with media, featuring public gatherings, personal letters, telegraph, telephone, film and radio. The concluding part surveys major boundaries and flows structuring the Soviet communicate environment. The broad scope of contributions to this volume will be of great interest to students and researchers working on the Soviet Union, and twentieth-century media and communication more broadly.
Life of Schamyl, has been acknowledged as a major work throughout human history, and we have taken precautions to assure its preservation by republishing this book in a modern manner for both present and future generations. This book has been completely retyped, revised, and reformatted. The text is readable and clear because these books are not created from scanned copies.
Die Abhandlungen des Medizinhistorikers und Reiseschriftstellers Anton Quitzmann (1809 - 1879) über die Abstammung der Bajuwaren waren für die Erforschung der bayerischen Frühgeschichte von nicht unerheblicher Bedeutung. Mit dem hier vorliegenden Werk lieferte der Autor den seinen Meinung nach "ersten faktischen Beweis". Nachdruck der Originalausgabe aus dem Jahr 1860.
This book explores the various ramifications and consequences of the violent civil protests that affected Kazakhstan in January 2022. In this compelling study, the authors examine the underlying social and political tensions that have affected this biggest country of Central Asia, especially since its political transition of 2019 and how the state has managed to justify its actions that led to a return to peace. It also puts in perspective this event in the wider transition affecting Eurasia with the war in Ukraine and how this shift of world politics may impact Kazakhstan that required the support of Russia and the other members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization during these protests. This book will be of value for scholars, journalists and NGOs working on authoritarianism and on Central Asia.
Sebeos' History is a seventh century document of special importance for the study of Armenia and the Middle East in the sixth-seventh centuries. It was during this period, when Iran and Byzantium were wrestling for control of the Armenian highlands, that Armenian culture became more individual, independent, and distinctively national. While Sebeos focuses his attention primarily on Armenia's lay and clerical naxarars (lords), he also provides extensive and valuable information on events taking place in the neighboring societies of Byzantium, Iran, and among the Arabs. Volume II includes chapters 26 to 38.The Sophene Dual Language series places the original Armenian text side-by-side with its English translation, making for the most accessible editions of the finest works of Armenian literature.Translated into English by Robert Bedrosian.
Das insgesamt auf vier Bände angelegte Editionsprojekt erschließt die deutsch-sowjetischen Beziehungen in einem schwierigen und widersprüchlichen Zeitabschnitt ihrer Entwicklung. Vom Machtantritt Hitlers im Januar 1933 bis zum Beginn des deutsch-sowjetischen Krieges im Juni 1941 werden diese anhand von Dokumenten aus einer ganzen Reihe deutscher und russischer Archive in all ihren Facetten dargestellt - Politik, Diplomatie, Wirtschaft, Militär, Wissenschaft und Kultur. Zu einem kleineren Teil werden auch bereits editierte Schlüsseldokumente wiedergegeben. Die Bände zeichnen sich durch eine zweistaatliche und multiarchivarische Perspektive aus. Der nun erscheinende 3. Band umfasst den Zeitraum April 1937 bis August 1939. Damit werden detailliert die Entwicklungen nachgezeichnet, die letztlich zum Abschluss des Molotov-Ribbentrop-Paktes führten. Durch den Einbezug der russischen Quellen in deutscher Übersetzung ist die Edition nicht nur für Historiker von Interesse, die sich im engeren Sinne mit den deutsch-sowjetischen Beziehungen beschäftigen, sondern für all jene, die die europäische Diplomatiegeschichte in den dreißiger Jahren insgesamt bzw. die Vorgeschichte des Zweiten Weltkriegs erforschen.
"Socialism is here, whether we like it or not-just as woman suffrage is here-and it spreads with the years. In Russia the socialist state is an accomplished fact."-Louise Bryant, Six Red Months in RussiaSix Red Months in Russia (1918) is a collection of articles Louise Bryant wrote about her first trip to Russia shortly after the Bolshevik revolution. Bryant's objective was to inform and enlighten American readers about the way socialism was being implemented in Russia and to encourage Americans to support the Bolshevik movement. Subsequent to the book's publication, Bryant testified before a Senate subcommittee in defense of the revolution and then went on a nationwide speaking tour to encourage public support of Bolshevik policies.
"And in this book I have tried to show the leaders of the revolution as they really are, as I know them in their homes, where the red glare does not penetrate and they live as other men."-Louise Bryant, Mirrors of MoscowMirrors of Moscow (1923) by Louise Bryant is a collection of articles about Russia, Turkey, Hungary, Greece, Italy, and other countries in Europe and the Middle East. Her articles were based on information the author collected during travels to these countries and that were originally published by Hearst publishing. It contains biographical sketches of 18 Socialist leaders from the countries Bryant visited and provides an interesting perspective on the effects of the Soviet revolution on twentieth-century Europe.
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