Bøger af Anna Leiber

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2013 im Fachbereich Politik - Thema: Frieden und Konflikte, Sicherheit, Note: 1,0, Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Die vorliegende Arbeit befasst sich intensiv mit der Problematik des globalen Terrorismus und seiner Kommunikationsweise. Dabei soll die Frage erörtert werden, ob es in offenen Gesellschaften überhaupt möglich ist, sich erfolgreich dem Kommunikationsmodell ¿Terrorismus¿ zu entziehen und ob sie es in der Vergangenheit bereits getan haben. Um diese Fragestellung umfassend zu erörtern, bedarf es der präzisen Darstellung folgender drei Themen: des Phänomens ¿Terrorismus¿ an sich, derjenigen Reaktionen auf terroristische Anschläge, die sich sowohl auf politischer als auch auf medialer Ebene in den letzten Jahren beobachten ließen, und schließlich denkbarer Alternativ-Modelle, mit denen demokratische Gesellschaften terroristischen Bedrohungen begegnen können.

Seminar paper from the year 2014 in the subject Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1,0, University of Pavia, language: English, abstract: In 2007, the European Union celebrated the 50th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome, and thus its official hour of birth after many years of intensive negotiations, which had lasted from 1945 till 1957. From the very beginning on, Italy ¿had been amongst the keenest supporters of the European integration, both at the popular and the government levels¿ (Comelli 2011: 2) and had played an important role within all early proceedings. Especially under the political leadership of Alcide de Gasperi, Italy became one of the most influential negotiators and until today, the country is considered a triumphant founding nation of the European Union (Di Nolfo 1980: 145). This widespread pro-European attitude, however, has declined dramatically during the last decades. This negative relationship between Italy and the European Union, however, might be recovering from now on. Matteo Renzi, who got elected the new Italian prime minister in February this year, seems willing to contribute decisive activities to move the Italian population again closer to Europe. As a first important step, Renzi used his government declaration to underline the his-torical significance of the European Union and the urgent necessity for Italy to restart European cooperation (N24.de 2014). Referring to his prominent political precursor, Alcide de Gasperi, the Italian prime minister promised to close the gap between Italy and Europe again. Picking up this recent look back to the founding period of the European Union by the Italian prime minister, this paper focuses on exactly that time and analyses Italy¿s contribution during the early European integration. Political scientists and historians often divide this process in three main parts: the after-war period between 1945 and 1949, the beginning of multilateral negotiations from 1949 till 1954, and finally the most important time for the European unification ending with the ratification of the Treaties of Rome in 1957 (Di Nolfo 1980: 148). In the subsequent analysis, I will follow this structure and thereby concentrate on the most decisive events that took place within the different periods - first and foremost the Brussels and Atlantic Pact (1948), the Schuman Declaration (1950), the European Defence Community (1952), the Spaak Committee (1955), and the Treaties of Rome (1957).

Seminar paper from the year 2014 in the subject Politics - Other International Politics Topics, grade: 1,1, University of Pavia, language: English, abstract: During the last 25 years, starting from the fiftieth anniversary of the anti-Jewish laws in Fascist Italy, there has been an increasing interest in the Italian history at the beginning of the twentieth century. Many political and historical scientists thereby focussed on one main question: What developments led to the enormous radicalization policy and the progressive anti-Jewish movement under Mussolini? As it will be outlined in this paper, Italian researchers gave an answer to this by primarily analyzing the national history, whereas political scientists and historians from Germany, England, and the United States based their studies on a comparison between the situation in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The Italian system, in opposite to the regime in Germany, turned radically against the Jews not until 1938, after a long period of political acceptance. Due to the suddenness of this attitude change, researchers saw the developments in Italy as a result of bilateral dependencies and continuous force coming from Germany. As the following comparison will underline, however, the Italian anti-Semitism movement arose from internal, historically constituted factors, and it shows evident differences to the developments in Germany. This paper looks in detail at the period between 1933-1945 in both political systems, as the most decisive decisions were taken within those years.

Seminar paper from the year 2014 in the subject Politics - Region: South Asia, grade: 1,0, University of Pavia, course: History of International Relations, language: English, abstract: During the early years of the Cold War the American as well as the Soviet leaders concentrated their political strategy primarily on the European territory. From the early 1950s onwards, however, their attention shifted towards the Asian and African world. Among the Asian countries, especially the new established Republic of Indonesia was soon considered as a significant strategic control point by both superpowers. Thus, in order to gain this young nation as a political ally, the US as well as the Soviet government continuously offered economic and military support during the next 20 years. Despite all these diplomatic efforts, Indonesia didn¿t join any alliance. Following the 1949 proclaimed foreign policy of non-alignment, president Sukarno wanted to uphold a neutral position between the American and Soviet bloc. Until 1965, however, the Indonesian leader played a successful double game with the Cold War opponents through which he tried to benefit as much as possible. Looking at the period between the end of the Second World War 1945 and Sukarnös political overthrow in 1965, this paper analyzes two questions. On the one hand, it will focus upon the political attempts coming from the USA and the USSR in order to influence the Indonesian government. On the other hand, by illustrating the latter¿s behaviour it will underline that Indonesia took a huge advantage from its triangle position between the American and the Soviet bloc and left the path of foreign neutrality soon after its independence.