Bøger af Richard Brown

Producing a second edition of Sex, Work and Politics has allowed me to extend its chronological limits back to the 1780s and forward to the end of the Second World War in 1945. The original structure of the book remains unaltered though each chapter has been remodelled to take account of this change and of research published since early 2012. In particular, I have made wider use of contemporary newspapers to position women more firmly within their varied milieus. I have also added two new chapters that consider the role played by women after they received the vote in 1918 and 1928 and the place of women in Britain's imperial project after 1780. The first chapter considers the relationship between different approaches that have evolved to explain the role of women in history. This is followed by a chapter that looks at the ways in which women were represented in the nineteenth century in terms of the female body, sexuality and the notion of 'separate spheres'. Chapter 3 explores the relationship between women and work and how that relationship developed. Although women's suffrage has had a symbolic importance for generations of feminists, the campaign for the vote has obscured the broader agitations for women's rights during the nineteenth century and was, in terms of its impact before 1914, far less significant. Before the 1880s, the focus was not on winning the vote and the demand for parliamentary suffrage was only one of a range of campaigns. Between 1850 and 1880, a number of significant battles were fought and won. This was particular evident in the successful campaign against the Contagious Diseases Acts from the mid-1860s and in the growing significance of girls' schooling and the campaign for higher education, issues are examined in Chapter 4.The following two chapters look at the ways in which women actively sought access to the public sphere through political activity and demands for suffrage reform. It was not until the first decade of the twentieth century that the suffrage movement achieved widespread national recognition largely through the activities of the militant Suffragettes led by the controlling Pankhursts and the non-militant campaigning of the Suffragists. These wings of the suffrage movement agreed about ends but disagreed about some of the means used to achieve those ends: it was a question of deeds or words. The nature of the suffrage campaign is considered in Chapter 7 while reactions to this from anti-suffragists and political parties form the core of Chapter 8. The impact of the First World War on women generally and the suffrage campaign in particular is discussed in Chapter 9. The critical question is whether women gained the vote in 1918 as a reward for their services during the war or whether it was a political imperative that could no longer be reasonably resisted. Chapter 10 considers the role played by women after they gained the vote in 1918 through to the end of the Second World War. Many women emigrated, either on their own or as part of families, to Britain's growing colonial possessions after 1780. Chapter 11 examines the nature of their role in the development of these colonies. The book ends with an examination of the notion of 'borderlands' as a conceptual framework for discussing women in Britain between 1780 and 1945 and the ways in which their personal, ideological, economic, legal and political status developed and changed.

Settler Australia, 1780-1880 will be published in two formats. There are two printed volumes, a necessity given the scale of the project, and a single Kindle volume that contains both printed volumes. Settlement, Protest and Control examines the way in which Australia developed. It is divided into two parts: establishing a colonial state and violence and protest. Uniquely in Britain's growing empire, the colonies in New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land were established as penal settlements. Why the British government decided to settle Australia and the problems encountered by the first three fleets in transporting convicts to the other side of the globe demonstrate the scale of the endeavour. Between 1788 and 1823, the two colonies were ruled by a naval and then military autocracy unaccountable for their actions to the growing number of free settlers and the emancipists, convicts who had completed their sentences and, because of their distance from London, accountable with difficulty to the Colonial Office in London. This was, for instance, evident in the Rum Rebellion in 1808 not a populist uprising but a coup within the governing elite for whom Governor William Bligh's 'tyranny' challenged its political and economic hegemony. By the 1820s, there were calls from the British Parliament for a more responsive system of government for New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land that reflected demands from settlers in Australia. The result was a gradual process of constitutional evolution away from an autocratic system of government towards one that was more responsive to local inhabitants, a process completed in the 1850s with the introduction of responsible government, a devolved system of rule that combined local hegemony over colonial issues within an overarching and developing notion of imperial sovereignty. This process of constitutional change occurred at the same time as the territories of New South Wales were divided and new colonies founded: Western Australia in the late 1820s, South Australia from 1836, belatedly Victoria in 1851 and Queensland in 1859. The ways in which the land was settled concludes the first part of the book. State violence accompanied the birth of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land and was a constant presence during the following century. Nowhere was this more evident than in the punishment settlement on Norfolk Island, 'Hell in Paradise' as it was termed by contemporaries, where those already transported were re-transported for further transgressions. So brutish was it that convicts in New South Wales often preferred to be hanged than submit to its regime. Convict society was often volatile and resistance to the arbitrary character of colonial rules was widespread as the attitude of women prisoners amply demonstrates. Rebellion or the threat of rebellion was infrequent although New South Wales experiences a spate of rebellious conspiracies in the first decade of the nineteenth century including the rebellion at Castle Hill in 1804 and rebellion on Norfolk Island was an endemic problem. Those convicted of political offences such as Swing rioters in 1830 and Chartists in the 1830s and 1840s were, from the 1790s through to the end of transportation in 1868, frequently dispatched to the Australian colonies. This was particularly the case with political prisoners from Ireland with Young Irelanders and later Fenians exiled to the colonies to serve their sentences. The violent and militarised character of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land was gradually diluted with the establishing of the rule of law and the emergence of colonial policing though this could be as arbitrary and harsh as the use of the military to control the population.

Life is good, until it isn't. Whether unexpected illness, a drunk driver, or betrayal by the spouse you love more than life itself, disaster walks behind you, over your left shoulder and three paces to your rear. God laughs as you make your plans. Adversity reveals the character of our souls. Does Brad Taylor, our reluctant hero, cry "why me," and allow the winds of fate and the will of others to direct his path through a waking nightmare? Or does he stand up to the unexpected and forge his own path, surprising friend and foe alike, overcoming all odds? Is revenge a dish best served cold-or is a life well lived the best revenge of all? Discover how one man answered these questions, faced his nightmare, the betrayal he never saw coming. Make your own decision about his actions and reactions. Is he a calm hero, a crazed over-reacting fool, or that complex mixture of good and bad, right and wrong, smart and stupid that we call an ordinary man? However you judge him, prepare to be surprised.

Famine, Fenians and Freedom, 1830-1882 is the second book in the Rebellion Quartet, a series looking at resistance and rebellion in the British Empire. It examines the Irish dimension in Britain's Empire, evident in Three Rebellions: Canada, South Wales and Australia, through attempts especially by the Young Ireland and Fenian movements to achieve Ireland's independence through rebellion between 1830 and 1882 and by the populist and parliamentarian constitutionalist Repeal Association and campaign for Home Rule to achieved devolved government. Famine, Fenians and Freedom, 1830-1882 focuses on the nature and impact of the Famine in its global Irish context in Britain, the United States, Canada and Australia. Why, how and where Irish emigrated and how they settled into their new communities. How different approaches to Irish nationalism evolved in Ireland, British colonies in Canada and Australia and in the United States and why it failed to achieve its objectives between 1830 and 1882 and the political character of the Irish diaspora. It also explores the nature and differences in the character of Irish rebellion in Ireland, mainland Britain, Canada and Australia in 1848 and during the 1860s looking especially at its military character and failure. The role played by individuals such as Daniel O'Connell, Thomas Davis, John Mitchel, John O'Mahony, James Stephens, John O'Neill, John Devoy, Michael Davitt, Isaac Butt and Charles Stewart Parnell. The first edition was well received by reviewers and this edition has given me the opportunity to revisit material originally researched and written between 2005 and 2009 taking account of the most recent research and publications. I have delved further into newspapers from Britain, Ireland and Australia and have added further references to them. I have also extended the starting point for the book back by a decade to 1830.

Chartism was the largest working-class political movement in modern British history. Its branches ranged from the Scottish Highlands to northern France and from Dublin to Colchester. Its meetings drew massive crowds: 300,000 at Kersal Moor and perhaps as many as half a million at Hartshead Moor in 1839. The National Petition in 1842 claimed 3.3 million signatures, a third of the adult population of Britain. This was a national mass movement of unprecedented scale and intensity that was more than simply a political campaign but the expression of a new and dynamic form of working-class culture. Across Britain, there were Chartist concerts, amateur dramatics and dances, Chartist schools and cooperatives and Chartist churches that assaulted the political hegemony of the wealthy, the conservative and the liberal. For over a decade, Chartists led a campaign for the franchise with a mass enthusiasm that has never been imitated. Although political and economic conditions in the 1830s were necessary and important in explaining why Chartism emerged as an all-pervasive working-class radical movement, they are insufficient in themselves in providing an explanation. Chartism was not simply a reaction to the increasingly repressive policies of the Whig government, the exclusion of the working-classes from the franchise in 1832 or the burgeoning economic 'distress' in industrial Britain after 1837. Its explosion on to the political scene in 1837 was an expression of deep-seated and long-standing fissures in the social fabric that the Whig government had failed to address and had been exacerbated by policies that appeared, whether justified or not, to target the livelihoods, accepted forms of customary behaviour and political liberties of working people. The intensity of Chartist activity across the country reflected this exclusion from the levers of local, regional and national political power particularly when faced by the intransigent refusal of those with political power to countenance their inclusion on any terms. Understanding why Chartism became central to working-class action and thinking in the late 1830s, 1840s and 1850 means extending discussion of its causes back into the late-eighteenth century. Change is something few people relish and this was even more the case during the revolutions that transformed Britain's agricultural and manufacturing economy. Working people may have been the engines of growth in productivity but it was the few--entrepreneurial, ambitious and enterprising--who provided the cerebral and practical motivation for innovation and change, challenged prevailing economic orthodoxies and who reaped the social and economic profits. They largely rejected the customary social framework that underpinned pre-industrial society replacing it with a vibrant individualism based on freeing markets from regulatory control and abdicating their responsibilities for those less fortunate than themselves. Before Chartism: Exclusion and Resistance acts as a preamble to the four volumes in the Reconsidering Chartism series and seeks to summarise current thinking. The prologue examines the nature of economic networks in the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth century. The first chapter explores the ways in which society changed in the decades leading up to the beginnings of Chartism and confronts the central issue of how far society was a class-based. Chapter 2 considers the ways in which working people responded to economic change. Chapter 3 looks at the ways in which working- and middle-class radicals confronting the question of reform from the 1790s through to 1830. The importance of the radical press and the 'war of the unstamped' is explored in Chapter 4. The politics of inclusion and exclusion and the role of repression by the Whig governments in the 1830s is examined in Chapter 5 while the dilemma faced by radicals provides a short conclusion to the book.

Chartism was the largest working-class political movement in modern British history. Its branches ranged from the Scottish Highlands to northern France and from Dublin to Colchester. Its meetings drew massive crowds: 300,000 at Kersal Moor and perhaps as many as half a million at Hartshead Moor in 1839. The National Petition in 1842 claimed 3.3 million signatures, a third of the adult population of Britain. At its peak, the Northern Star sold around 50,000 copies a week, more than The Times. This was a national mass movement of unprecedented scale and intensity that was more than simply a political campaign but the expression of a new and dynamic form of working-class culture. Across Britain, there were Chartist concerts, amateur dramatics and dances, Chartist schools and cooperatives and Chartist churches that assaulted the political hegemony of the wealthy, the conservative and the liberal. For over a decade, Chartists led a campaign for the franchise with a mass enthusiasm that has never been imitated. Chartism: Rise and Demise provides the analytical narrative for the series. The causes of Chartism and how they have been interpreted is the focus of the opening chapter. The remainder of the book explores the development of Chartism chronologically from its beginnings in the mid-1830s to its demise in the 1850s and divides this into four phases. The first phase covers the years between 1838 and 1841 and revolves round the critical events of 1839, the first Convention, the First Petition and the Newport Rising. The second phase lasts from 1841 to 1843 and focuses on the emergence of the so-called Chartist 'new move', the creation of the National Charter Association, the relationship between Chartists and the middle-classes and the strikes of 1842. The third phase covers the years between 1843 and 1850 during which there were attempts to reposition the movement, the Land Plan and the seminal events of 1848. The final phase considers the ways in which the movement developed during the 1850s when leadership moved away from Feargus O'Connor to Ernest Jones.

Sunday Morning is a commentary of my personal testimony living life as a Gay African-American Male who is Christian. Though Sunday Morning is in many ways controversial, due to mis-practiced edicts of the Lord, it is glorified in the Body of Christ. Sunday Morning stands in direct contrast to the organization called the church in its practices and postures on issues that are not new to God, but has established organizational protocols that do not Honor God, but rather the organization that demands solidarity at all cost. The Joy of the Lord is my strength. In that, after all the politicking, cultural demands, backbiting, and gossip a person can still stand in Jesus and be assured Grace, Mercy, and Peace. If it were not for answered prayer, constant communication, provision, and guidance from the one who is all powerful, all knowing, and omnipresent I guess I would have to accept the punishment of man, but after review of my life, I have to testify as to what God has done and how He accepts me for me. It has been a long time coming and yet Sunday Morning offers my experience with God and offers several Meditations that have helped me over every obstacle, through every battle, and to stand in the evil days. It is based on the Christian perspective and is proof that God knows my name because my name is written in the Lambs Book of Life. It is proof that God uses who He chooses. It is evidence that circumstance does not decide fate and it offers the simple truth that ALL things are of Christ and of ALL things He consists. Let us honor God together. Let us stop the madness of exclusion and go into All the world and Preach and Teach and show some Christ-like Love. For this is the true essence of Christianity and the Victory we are assured.

Book 2 in the Dead Highways series.The apocalypse began inside a secret government laboratory in Nevada. One week later, most of the world lay in a deep sleep. But not for long.Reprogrammed with a single purpose, the newly infected awaken and begin migrating across the country like soldiers on a mission, killing anything that crosses their path. For Jimmy, his mundane existence of working at his grandmother's used bookstore is upended by the end of the world. One minute he's reading science fiction and fantasy novels, wishing he were the hero of the story, the next he's traveling as part of a ragtag group of survivors, fighting to stay alive and searching for answers. Why did this happen?Where are the infected going?And what is guiding them?But on these dead highways Jimmy may discover something even greater-his place in the world. Even if everyone else is gone.A journey of epic proportions, Dead Highways is a character-driven adventure with plenty of suspense, humor and plot twists to keep the reader turning the pages. The engaging narrator always keeps the action fresh and entertaining.

The second volume, Eureka and Democracy, is also divided into two parts. The constitutional separation of New South Wales and the Port Phillip District in 1851 and the establishment of Victoria as a separate colony coincided with the discovery of large deposits of gold. Although the established colonial administration in New South Wales coped relatively well with the ensuing influx of immigrants in search of success on the gold diggings, developments in Victoria were less auspicious. Coping with setting up the new colony and the rapid growth in population proved difficult for Charles La Trobe, the colony's Lieutenant-Governor leading to growing protest from diggers who, not without justification, felt oppressed by colonial taxation and the colonial police. With widespread protest in 1851 and 1853, matters came to a head in Ballarat in the final months of 1854 when a combination of colonial mismanagement, locally and in Melbourne, and a burgeoning sense of in justice and tyranny led to the formation of a rebel stockade on the Eureka gold field and its brutal repression by British troops and colonial police. It proved a pyrrhic victory for the authorities that was damned for the heavy-handed nature of its actions during and after the attack on the Stockade and was unable to convict any of those brought to trial for high treason the following year. How far Eureka was responsible for political change in Victoria in the mid-1850s is debatable. The process of establishing responsible government in the colony took place parallel to the increasing intensity of protest on the goldfields and would have occurred whether there were protests or not. Nonetheless, the 'spirit' of Eureka played an important role in establishing a new system of colonial government that was aware of and responsive to populist demands and Eureka was and still is regarded as the midwife of democracy in Australia. It became, though initially its memory was 'whispered', one of the defining events in the formation of Australian nationalism. The second section of the book contains five papers linked broadly to the theme of democracy. They explore the different ways in which working people struggled to define their rights within the framework of changing notions of the colonial state and maintain those rights against assault from those who favoured an anti-democratic state and from immigrant labour. Paradoxically, the Australian state that emerged from the 1870s was both inclusively democratic in character and also exclusively racist and 'white' in its cultural attitudes leading to the espousal of a 'White Australia' policy after Federation in 1901. For most of the nineteenth century, according to Richard White, there was no strong evidence of a distinctively Australian identity: 'Australians saw themselves, and were seen by others, as part of a group of new, transplanted, predominantly Anglo-Saxon emigrant societies'. It is significant that a sense of national distinctiveness only grew stronger towards the end of the century and that this was accompanied by 'a more explicitly racial element', based on being Anglo-Saxon or, as confidence in the new society grew, 'on being the most vigorous branch of Anglo-Saxondom'. White settlers may have been deeply attached to freedom for themselves but they opposed freedom for others. The result was that to be free, individuals needed to be of British or at least European origins. However, these colonial freedoms were not freely given to settlers who had to extract recognition of their rights by persuasion, resistance and even rebellion from metropolitan and colonial authorities that wished to maintain centralised control over colonial activities. The book ends with an examination of the nature of the colonial settler state.

High blood sugar is a symptom of the metabolic disorder diabetes mellitus. Either your body doesn't produce enough insulin or it can't use the insulin it does produce efficiently.Each kind of diabetes has specific symptoms, underlying conditions, and therapies.Find out more about the differences between these categories.PrediabetesThe term "prediabetes" is used when your blood sugar is higher than normal but not high enough to be diagnosed as type 2 diabetes. When your body's cells don't react to insulin as they should, it happens. Type 2 diabetes may result from this in the future.Almost 80% of people with prediabetes don't even realize they have it, according to experts, who estimate that more than one in three Americans have the condition.The signs of diabetesThe onset of diabetes is accompanied by blood sugar increases.general signsThe symptoms of kinds 1, 2, and 1.5 (LADA) are identical, however they manifest more quickly than those of types 2 and 1.5. Type 2 usually has a slower onset. Type 2 diabetes is more likely to cause tingling nerves and slow-healing wounds. Type 1 in particular, if untreated, can result in diabetic ketoacidosis. At this point, the body's level of ketones is harmful. Although less typical in other forms of diabetes, it is nevertheless conceivable.Diabetes's typical signs and symptoms include: increased thirst and hungerweight loss, frequent urination, hazy vision, excessive fatigue, and un healing wounds.Men's symptomsMen with diabetes may have the following in addition to the typical symptoms: a reduced lust for lifean erection problemweak physical capacityWomen's symptomsDiabetes symptoms in women might include: vulvar drynessinfected urinary tractinfected with yeastrough, dry skin Diabetes during pregnancySymptomless pregnancy is the norm for those who develop gestational diabetes. Between the 24th and 28th weeks of pregnancy, healthcare providers typically identify the problem during a regular blood sugar test or oral glucose tolerance test. A woman with gestational diabetes might, in extremely rare circumstances, also feel more thirsty or pee more frequently. Final conclusionIt can be difficult to initially recognize diabetes symptoms because they can be so subtle. Find out what symptoms call for a visit to the doctor.Insulin is a hormone that transports sugar from the blood into your cells where it can be stored or utilized as fuel. If it breaks down, you can have diabetes.Diabetes can harm your kidneys, nerves, eyes, and other organs if high blood sugar levels are left un treatetypes of diabetesThere are several varieties of diabetes, including: Type 1: Type 1 diabetes is an autoimmune condition. Insulin is produced in the pancreas, which is attacked and destroyed by the immune system. What provokes this onslaught is unknown.Type 2: Type 2 diabetes develops when your body grows resistant to insulin and blood sugar levels rise. It accounts for 90% to 95% of cases. Type 2 diabetes is prevalent, according to a reliable source.d. Yet, knowing about diabetes and taking action to prevent or control it can help you safeguard your health.Diabetes type 1.5: Latent autoimmune diabetes in adulthood is another name for this condition (LADA). Like type 2 diabetes, it develops slowly and only occurs in adults. A diet or way of life cannot be used to treat the autoimmune disease LADA.Gestational: Having high blood sugar when pregnant is known as gestational diabetes. This form of diabetes is brought on by hormones that inhibit insulin generated by the placenta.Although having a name that sounds similar to diabetes mellitus, a rare disorder known as diabetes insipid is unrelated to the latter. Your kidneys remove an excessive amount of fluid from your body in a distinct condition.Early signs and symptoms

From the author of Dead Highways, The Rebirth is a collection of over thirty lyrical poems covering a wide range of subjects, many centering on the darker aspects of existence. Something needs me out there;Somewhere I will see, Sometime all of me, Someone I can b

The idea for this book predates not only my trilogy on colonial rebellion but my decision to produce the Reconsidering Chartism series. Its gestation began in 2003 with an off-hand comment by a student during a session on European influences on Chartism in the 1840s. She asked: 'what impact did Chartism have on the rest of the world?' I have spent the years since trying to find an answer and this has taken me in directions I could not have anticipated when it all began. Although much has been written about Chartism in Britain, though considerably less on Ireland, when I started work on this problem I quickly found that, apart from articles considering European influences on Chartism and on Chartism in Australia and a book on Chartists in the United States, this was not a question that had been the subject of serious consideration. The opening chapters address this issue. The first examines the internationalism of Chartism something that was evident from the beginnings of the movement. Chapter 2 looks at the relationship between Chartism and events in Canada during the 1830s that led to the rebellions in the Canadas in 1837 and 1838 and the ways in which Scottish Chartism, in particular, had an impact on the politics of the Clear Grits of the early 1850s. This is followed by a chapter that explores Chartism and the Australian colonies especially NSW and Victoria during the 1840s and 1850s when, what were previously penal colonies, made the transition from rule by governors to democratic constitutions in which the People's Charter played an influential part. Chapter 4 draws this discussion together by asking just how far Chartism was a 'global force' in the mid-nineteenth century. The remainder of the book brings together issues that have been a frequent feature throughout the series. The ways in which historians have regarded Chartism have, since Gammage first wrote about it, been matters of disagreement and is considered in Chapters 5 and 6. There was persistent tension in working-class political movements in the first half of the nineteenth century over the relationship between familial and political concerns as ideas of masculinity and femininity shifted. The precise extent of women's participation in movements of protest is difficult to quantify and there is little sign of any formal involvement in politics before radical political reform revived, in London and provincial cities and in the northern textile districts after 1815. Women were not only part of the crowd but from the Queen Caroline affair in 1820 through to the 1850s had a particular role in radical politics, the subject of Chapter 7.Many of those who have commented on Chartism have pointed to leadership, or rather lack of it, as one of the reasons why it ultimately failed. Chapter 8 considers the nature of Chartist leadership and suggests that the traditional view of its ineffectiveness reflects an O'Connor focussed view and fails to consider the importance of local leadership or recognise the different sorts of 'leader' within the movement. Chapter 9 is an extensive revision of a paper on Chartism and the State originally composed in 2003. Chartists had little political muscle and, despite their mass support, were powerless when faced by the coercive power of the local and national states. The final chapter looks at how Chartism has been remembered and memorialised. For radicals, monuments were often less about consensus and more about building permanent symbols of defiance and opposition.

Britain 1780-1945: Society under Pressure develops the ideas and chronological scope that I put forward in my earlier studies of Britain's social and economic development during the late-eighteenth, nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. The result is a new two volume history of British society between 1780 and 1945 of which this is the first volume. I have taken the opportunity of extending the chronological limits of the book from 1914 to 1945 and have radically restructured my earlier work rewriting each chapter to take account of recent thinking in an attempt to make it less Anglo-centred, white and male in character. The result is an examination of issues ignored in my earlier work, for instance, the racial tensions in the years before and after the First World War and questions of same-sex relationships. The volume considers the critical developments in Britain's industrialisation, its economy, the revolution in how people and things were moved around the country, demographic developments between 1780 and 1945, its social structures and finally its systems of belief.

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

The current crisis the world is experiencing has led to a massive shortage of the N95 masks, as well as surgical masks.This book will guide and teach you how to make a custom-fit mask from home that will fit you properly, protecting yourself, and your family.The topics featured in this book include: Prevention of the infectionWhat is the face maskBasics of the face maskDifferent types of the face maskHow to wear a face maskHow to make a perfect medical face maskMistakes to avoidWhether you are an expert, a medical worker or simply a curious mind, learning a new skill will pay off in the end. Don't wait until the emergency knocks on your door. Act now. Enhance your abilities to care for your health while protecting others. Grab your copy now

This book addresses the core values and primary principle required of anyone seeking to become a more effective leader. If that individual harbors a desire to attain a higher level of significance by becoming inspirational through servant leadership you will find this book, as well as his previous book, "Become THE LEADER Your PEOPLE DESERVE" necessary reading. The individuals who participated in the interviews within this book are just like you. They are leading, or have led, from the front. They have developed as leaders as a result of their mistakes as well as their victories. Due to their dedication to servant leadership, they have all attained a level of significance in the lives of their teammates that goes well beyond their fame on the world stage. That is what makes their guidance so useful to the rest of us. The examples you will glean from these experiences of front line leaders will provide you a solid exposure to not only the key tenets of effective and inspirational leadership, but to the interrelationship of those factors as well.

This is a reproduction of a book published before 1923. This book may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. that were either part of the original artifact, or were introduced by the scanning process. We believe this work is culturally important, and despite the imperfections, have elected to bring it back into print as part of our continuing commitment to the preservation of printed works worldwide. We appreciate your understanding of the imperfections in the preservation process, and hope you enjoy this valuable book.

The Making of the Modern Law: Legal Treatises, 1800-1926 includes over 20,000 analytical, theoretical and practical works on American and British Law. It includes the writings of major legal theorists, including Sir Edward Coke, Sir William Blackstone, James Fitzjames Stephen, Frederic William Maitland, John Marshall, Joseph Story, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. and Roscoe Pound, among others. Legal Treatises includes casebooks, local practice manuals, form books, works for lay readers, pamphlets, letters, speeches and other works of the most influential writers of their time. It is of great value to researchers of domestic and international law, government and politics, legal history, business and economics, criminology and much more.++++The below data was compiled from various identification fields in the bibliographic record of this title. This data is provided as an additional tool in helping to insure edition identification: ++++Harvard Law School Libraryocm23084569The introductory lecture of the Law Faculty of St. Mungo's College, Glasgow, session 1890-91.Glasgow: W. Hodge, 1891. 44 p.; 22 cm.

The Making of the Modern Law: Legal Treatises, 1800-1926 includes over 20,000 analytical, theoretical and practical works on American and British Law. It includes the writings of major legal theorists, including Sir Edward Coke, Sir William Blackstone, James Fitzjames Stephen, Frederic William Maitland, John Marshall, Joseph Story, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. and Roscoe Pound, among others. Legal Treatises includes casebooks, local practice manuals, form books, works for lay readers, pamphlets, letters, speeches and other works of the most influential writers of their time. It is of great value to researchers of domestic and international law, government and politics, legal history, business and economics, criminology and much more.++++The below data was compiled from various identification fields in the bibliographic record of this title. This data is provided as an additional tool in helping to insure edition identification: ++++Harvard Law School Libraryocm31904543Being the introductory lecture of the Law Faculty of St. Mungo's College, Glasgow--session 1892-93.Glasgow: W. Hodge, 1893. 39 p.; 23 cm.

The Making of the Modern Law: Legal Treatises, 1800-1926 includes over 20,000 analytical, theoretical and practical works on American and British Law. It includes the writings of major legal theorists, including Sir Edward Coke, Sir William Blackstone, James Fitzjames Stephen, Frederic William Maitland, John Marshall, Joseph Story, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. and Roscoe Pound, among others. Legal Treatises includes casebooks, local practice manuals, form books, works for lay readers, pamphlets, letters, speeches and other works of the most influential writers of their time. It is of great value to researchers of domestic and international law, government and politics, legal history, business and economics, criminology and much more.++++The below data was compiled from various identification fields in the bibliographic record of this title. This data is provided as an additional tool in helping to insure edition identification: ++++York University Law School Libraryocm33059987Includes index.Edinburgh: W. Green, 1895. xxxvii, 399 p.; 23 cm.

"Become THE LEADER Your PEOPLE DESERVE" provides anyone in a leadership position with the four critical principles they require in order to begin construction of their leadership experience. Richard uses real world experiences as opposed to theories to present a compelling case for the frank simplicity of the foundation for effective and inspirational leadership. This book is ideally suited for anyone contemplating service in a leadership role as well as anyone wishing to expand their leadership perspective.

During the past decade, it has become commonplace to interpret social and cultural reality-the very groundwork of the social sciences-as linguistic constructions. Not only is society viewed as a text, but scientific texts themselves are seen as rhetorical constructions.This collection of scholarly essays begins with an overview of this emerging field, and covers the specific stylistic practices by which social scientists create "objective" or "true" representations of society. The volume closes with a consideration of the more telling challenges to the rhetorics of the social sciences and how these might be encompassed or overcome.

The Making of the Modern Law: Legal Treatises, 1800-1926 includes over 20,000 analytical, theoretical and practical works on American and British Law. It includes the writings of major legal theorists, including Sir Edward Coke, Sir William Blackstone, James Fitzjames Stephen, Frederic William Maitland, John Marshall, Joseph Story, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. and Roscoe Pound, among others. Legal Treatises includes casebooks, local practice manuals, form books, works for lay readers, pamphlets, letters, speeches and other works of the most influential writers of their time. It is of great value to researchers of domestic and international law, government and politics, legal history, business and economics, criminology and much more.++++The below data was compiled from various identification fields in the bibliographic record of this title. This data is provided as an additional tool in helping to insure edition identification: ++++Harvard Law School LibraryCTRG95-B2584Issued after the author's death, under the supervision of Thos. M. Weir. Includes index. Title page printed in red and black.Edinburgh: W. Green & Sons, 1911. lix, 531 p.; 26 cm

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