Bøger udgivet af CODESRIA

Africa is richly blessed with cultural and natural heritage, key resources for nation building and development. Unfortunately, heritage is not being systematically researched or recognised, denying Africans the chance to learn about and benefit from heritage initiatives. This book offers a preliminary discussion of factors challenging the management of intangible cultural heritage in the African communities of Zanzibar, Mauritius and Seychelles. These islands are part of an overlapping cultural and economic zone influenced by a long history of slavery and colonial rule, a situation that has produced inequalities and underdevelopment. In all of them, heritage management is seriously underfinanced and under-resourced. African descendant heritage is given little attention and this continues to erode identity and sense of belonging to the nation. In Zanzibar tensions between majority and minority political parties affect heritage initiatives on the island. In Mauritius, the need to diversify the economy and tourism sector is encouraging the commercialisation of heritage and the homogenisation of Creole identity. In Seychelles, the legacy of socialist rule affects the conceptualisation and management of heritage, discouraging managers from exploring the island's widerange of intangible heritages. The author concludes that more funding and attention needs to be given to heritage management in Africa and its diaspora. Rosabelle Boswell is a senior lecturer in the Anthropology Department at Rhodes University, South Africa and a specialist of the southwest Indian Ocean islands. Her research interests include ethnicity, heritage, gender and development. Boswell's PhD was on poverty and identity among Creoles in Mauritius and her most recent work is onthe role of scent and fragrances in the heritage of the Swahili islands of the Indian Ocean region.

Niger's political history has lacked a synthesis on the army's involvement in politics since independence. The country is a fertile ground for such analysis. Between 1964 and 1999, the country witnessed three successful military coups during the democratisation process (April 1974, January 1996, and April 1999) and at least four military coup attempts (1964, 1975, 1976, 1983). In its forty years of independence, Niger has been under military rule for twenty-one years. It has also experienced seven different institutional regimes while four out of the six presidents who headed the country were soldiers. Niger evolved from the Second to the Fifth Republic in less than ten years - from the national conference (November 1991) to the last military coup (April 1999). In statistical terms, Niger has been witnessing a military coup or a military coup attempt every five-years since 1974. In addition to that, the country recorded seven mutinies and various other forms of troop rebellion between December 1963 and August 2000. In terms of institutional instability, Niger's record is unparalleled in Africa. A study on the army is therefore more needed than ever before. The recurrence with which the military appears on the political scene imposes another way of looking at Niger's army. A critical analysis of the military phenomenon, if not an assessment, would help envisage new prospects for Niger's future. This work, which was undertaken by a multi disciplinary team, suggests an analysis, from a historical and sociological perspective, of the long-standing involvement of the army in politics (the apparition of war leaders in the 19th century, the transition from colonial army to national army, the politicisation of the army and the emergence of 'military-politicians', the army sociology.). It aims at providing an answer to a key question: Why is the army so deeply involved in politics in Niger? It reveals how a significant military component has been gradually built up in Niger's political arena to become a highly dynamic political entrepreneur, able to compete with civilian politicians. The work shows, on the one hand, the significance of socio-political and economic contexts that promote the propensity for military interventionism, and on the other hand the transformations within the army that explain its propensity to intervene. It relates two decades of 'military rule', analyses their modes of legitimating, organising and managing power, gives an assessment of their economic policies and sheds light on women's role in that institution, which was thus far a men's business.

This study explores the service-citizenship nexus in Nigeria, using the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) programme as an empirical backdrop. It attempts to understand the relationship between civic service and citizenship on the one hand, and it examines the question as to whether youth service promotes a sense of citizenship and patriotism on the other. In the relevant studies on service and sociology, the assumption that service is antecedent to, and impacts positively on citizenship, is taken for granted. However, conclusions from this study call for an urgent rethinking of this wisdom. Using data from open-ended interviews, questionnaires and focus group discussions, the study traces the ways in which political dynamics in Nigeria have affected the implementation of the NYSC programme. The study articulates allegiance to national ideals as an essential foundation for creating and nurturing citizenship. Although it upholds the potential of national service as a tool for national integration, this research cautions against unalloyed faith in its presumed agency, arguing that the limitations imposed by the prevailing socio-political ecology should not be ignored.

When, why and how can religion and culture be both sources, and places of expression for fundamentalisms, particularly in relation to politics? Those are the central questions asked throughout this book alongside a discussion on the result when religion, strenthened by culture, is used as a political tool to access moral and social power. Cultural and religious messages often form the basis of decisions, laws and programs made in politics, and have a direct effect on society in general, and on women and gender relations in particular. The various forms taken by fundamentalisms in some African countries and the contexts under which they have emerged, the ways in which they (re)shape identities and relationships between men and women are also analysed in this book. These fundamentalisms are frequently sources of concern in social debates, in feminist and feminine organizations as well as in academia and politics. The manipulation of cultures and religions are becoming progressively political, and consequently can cause social discrimination, or even physical, moral, and symbolic violence.

A la lumière d'une expérience propre, cet ouvrage présente différentes problématiques de gouvernance universitaire en Afrique avec un accent spécifique sur les dynamiques en cours. Il permet de mieux comprendre les mutations aux niveaux des structures de gouvernance des établissements d'enseignement supérieur avec le nouveau management public et les périmètres de responsabilités des dirigeants tant sur le plan du financement, de la formation, que des modes et canaux de délivrance des enseignements et de l'organisation de la recherche. Ce livre propose un outil à la mesure des défis de l'Afrique : la Fondation Africaine pour la Recherche, l'Innovation et la Mobilité (FARIM) fondée dans une certaine mesure sur les orientations du développement durable. Il propose aussi un canevas pour l'élaboration d'un plan stratégique. Pour une meilleure internalisation de l'enseignement supérieur, une attention particulière est portée sur les valeurs ainsi que leur promotion et convoque à la communication.Cet ouvrage est recommandé à tous ceux qui désirent découvrir le trésor caché dans l'enseignement supérieur. C'est un bon outil pour tous, pour l'ensemble la communauté universitaire, notamment pour ceux qui veulent transformer l'Afrique dans ce contexte de l'économie du savoir, ceux qui dirigent ou veulent diriger les établissements d'enseignement supérieur car quand la résultante des forces en présence ne parvient pas à créer la dynamique, il est fait recours au leader pour indiquer le chemin et y mobiliser le plus grand nombre.Abdou Salam Sall est professeur de Chimie Inorganique spécialisé dans la Chimie Bioinorganique. Il a une expérience de vingt-trois années dans le management universitaire durant lesquelles il a occupé différents postes en tant que Secrétaire Général du Syndicat Autonome de l'Enseignement Supérieur du Sénégal (SAES), Recteur de l'Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar (UCAD), et expert et consultant de l'enseignement supérieur. Le Professeur Sall est l'initiateur de la Visio-actions de l'UCAD. Il a été de 2013 à 2014, Président du Comité National de Pilotage des Assises de l'Éducation et de la Formation du Sénégal. Le Professeur Sall est auteur de deux ouvrages et co-auteur d'un ouvrage sur l'enseignement supérieur, ainsi qu'auteur ou co-auteur d'une cinquantaine de publications scientifiques.This book discusses various issues related to university governance in Africa, with a specific focus on current dynamics. It provides an understanding of the changes in the governance structures of higher education institutions. The book will appeal to those who wish to transform Africa in the context of the knowledge economy.

The Great Lakes region of Africa is characterized by protest politics, partial democratization, political illegitimacy and unstable economic growth. Many of the countries that are members of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) which are: Burundi, Angola, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Sudan, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Zambia, have experienced political violence and bloodshed at one time or another. While a few states have been advancing electoral democracy, environmental protection and peaceful state building, the overall intensity of violence in the region has led to civil wars, invasion, genocide, dictatorships, political instability, and underdevelopment. Efforts to establish sustainable peace, meaningful socio-economic development and participatory democracy have not been quite successful. Using various methodologies and paradigms, this book interrogates the complexity of the causes of these conflicts; and examines their impact and implications for socio-economic development of the region. The non-consensual actions related to these conflicts and imperatives of power struggles supported by the agents of 'savage' capitalism have paralysed efforts toward progress. The book therefore recommends new policy frameworks within regionalist lenses and neo-realist politics to bring about sustainable peace in the region.

This book focuses on African childhood and youth within the context of development and socialization where children are expected to be moulded in the image of adults. In many African societies children are generally held as passive bearers of the demands of adults, regardless of the fact that they are often exposed to a multitude of challenges that originate from the capriciousness of those adults. However, buoyed by international conventions and national legislations that offer them greater protection, and the ubiquitous internet that exposes them to childhood and youth experiences elsewhere, many of them are increasingly becoming assertive in homes, schools, and communities as well as re-invigorating their survival and self-preservation instincts. It is in this regard that this book, through the various chapters, engages with their competencies, skills and creativity to respond to experiential challenges as independent migrants or ones under coercion working in city streets and markets or cocoa farms or juggling work and schooling in pursuit of some education. Confronted with their parents' and siblings' health predicaments and the inadequacies of state and familial care, or urgent negotiation of their sexualities, they demonstrate incredible resilience. Similarly, their perceptiveness is demonstrated in a unique appreciation of politics and its actors and a capacity to assume responsibilities beyond their chronological age. Thus while highlighting some of the challenges confronting African children, the book provides gripping evidence of how they resiliently negotiate those challenges.

Revendiquer sa culture, exiger son droit à la diversité culturelle ou procla-mer son appartenance à un groupe de croyants et s'emparer du fanion de cette croyance pour perpétrer des actions dès lors qualifiées de « saintes », pour terroriser ses semblables en leur imposant sa vision des choses et sa loi, telles sont, à n'en pas douter, deux des caractéristiques les plus préoccupantes de l'entrée de nos sociétés dans ce vingt-et-unième siècle qui commence. C'est pourquoi les textes réunis ici ont été jugés aptes, à ouvrir une réflexion sérieuse et méthodique sur la religion et la culture en Afrique au seuil du 21ème siècle. Les contributions réunies dans ce volume s'ouvrent par une interrogation et, plutôt que de se fermer, elles se terminent par une ouverture sur des horizons de recherche. Il y a là de quoi ouvrir et alimenter les enquêtes que seuls ou en groupes structurés les spécialistes des sciences de l'homme sont invités à imaginer et conduire sur la religion et la culture de l'Afrique d'aujourd'hui.Claiming its culture, demanding its right to cultural diversity, or proclaiming its membership of a group of believers and taking possession of the flag of that belief in order to perpetrate actions that are then called "holy", to terrorize its fellows by imposing on them His vision of things and his law, are undoubtedly two of the most worrying features of the entry of our societies in the twenty-first century. For this reason, the texts gathered here have been deemed fit, to open a serious and methodical reflection on religion and culture in Africa at the threshold of the 21st century.

The role of higher education in establishing structures and procedures in society and industry is clearly articulated in scholarly discussions. The narrative has recently taken a new momentum in Kenya with acknowledgement of the creative industry involves many youth, as an area that impacts on the economy. In unravelling the link between higher education and industry, the authors focus on leadership and governance in higher education and its expected and perceived contribution to the shaping of the creative industry. Through analysis of cases, the authors interrogate the processes and structures that govern the teaching and practice of the creative subjects, noting how these affect the creative industry in Kenya. This book approaches the creative disciplines from the perspectives of the students, lecturers and university administrators. The three voices provide a balanced view of what higher creative arts education in Kenya is. The multiple authorship of the book further provides a balanced account of the development of these disciplines in higher education, and their growth in industry. The key concepts here are the development of the creative industry and how higher education should contribute to the same.

Ghana attained independence in 1957. From 1992, when a new constitution came into force and established a new - democratic - framework for governing the country, elections have been organized every four years to choose the governing elites. The essays in this volume are about those elections because elections give meaning to the role of citizens in democratic governance. The chapters depart from the study of formal structures by which the electorate choose their representatives. They evaluate the institutional forms that representation take in the Ghanaian context, and study elections outside the specific institutional forms that according to democratic theory are necessary for arriving at the nature of the relationships that are formed between the voters and their representatives and the nature and quality of their contribution to the democratic process.

This monograph focuses on Gnokholo, a precolonial province of Senegal that has long been landlocked because of its eastern position and inhabited by Mandingoans. The decline of the Malian empire in the 15th century has been confined to a situation of geographical marginality in the foothills of the mountains Of the Fouta Djalon. This book reconstructs the geography, history, economy, culture and social structures of the pre-colonial Gnokholo Kingdom. It fills a deficit insofar as social studies have neglected these populations considered as part of a minority culture. Written in a simple and clear style, this book is in keeping with the tradition of the work of Father Boilat. It is an anthropological collection of a body of knowledge revealing various aspects of the country and the inhabitants of the Gnokholo.Cette monographie porte sur le Gnokholo, une province du Sénégal précolonial longtemps enclavée du fait de sa position orientale et habitée par des Mandingues que le déclin de l'empire du Mali au XVe siècle a confinée dans une situation de marginalité géographique sur les contreforts des montagnes du Fouta Djalon. Cet ouvrage reconstitue la géographie, l'histoire, l'économie, la culture et les structures sociales du royaume de Gnokholo précolonial. Il vient combler un déficit dans la mesure où les études sociales ont négligé ces populations considérées comme participant d'une culture minoritaire.Ecrit dans un style simple et clair, ce livre s'inscrit dans la tradition des travaux de l'Abbé Boilat. C'est une collecte de type anthropologique d'une somme de connaissances révélant divers aspects du pays et des habitants du Gnokholo.Sadio Camara est un instituteur de formation. Il a enseigné dans les années qui ont précédé l'accession à l'indépendance. Mais vite l'homme abandonne son métier pour se consacrer entièrement à la lutte politique avec le PAI (Parti Africain de l'Indépendance). Il a occupé de hauts niveaux de responsabilité dans les instances dirigeantes de ce parti politique et a publié « Epopée du Parti Africain de l'Indépendance » (PAI-Sénégal) (1957-1980) paru à l'Harmattan - France en 2013.

CODESRIA, UNFEMMES and UNESCO, partner in research, the results of which for Senegal are set out in this book. It has been found that, despite their demographic weight, women are still marginalized in key sectors of the economy. Compared to men, they are less educated (often for cultural reasons), less paid, more likely to work in the informal sector, with a higher level of vulnerability and vulnerability. Faced with neoliberal globalization, they are the greatest victims of economic, financial and political crises. At the sociopolitical level, they continue to be subjected to multiple and multifaceted violence and are still very little involved in making decisions governing their lives and their society. Moreover, the social division of labor in households reinforces, more than ever, the invisibility of the tasks linked to their role of reproduction.Le CODESRIA, ONUFEMMES et l'UNESCO, partenaires dans la recherche dont les résultats pour le Sénégal sont exposés dans ce livre, ont choisi de mener les études dans trois pays anglophone, lusophone et francophone, qui, par leurs aventures coloniales et leurs évolutions politiques et institu- tionnelles, sont plus ou moins les représentatifs de l'Afrique de l'Ouest.Il a été constaté qu'en dépit de leur poids démographique, les femmes sont encore marginalisées dans les secteurs clefs de l'économie. Compa- rativement aux hommes, elles sont moins instruites, (souvent pour des raisons culturelles), moins rémunérées, plus nombreuses à travailler dans le secteur informel, avec un taux de précarité et de vulnérabilité plus important. Face à la mondialisation néolibérale, elles sont les plus grandes victimes des crises économiques, financières et politiques.Au plan sociopolitique, elles continuent à faire l'objet de violences multiples et multiformes et sont encore très peu à participer à la prise des décisions régissant leurs vies et leur société. Par ailleurs, la division sociale du travail dans les ménages conforte, plus que jamais, l'invisibilité des tâches liées à leur rôle de reproduction.

Here is a major book, a collective work that uncovers the historical foundations and scrutinizes the future prospects of one of the greatest intellectual, political and simply human adventures of the last six centuries: Panafricanism. The authors relive the milestones of the movement, its congresses, its founding fathers, their heirs, their successes, their errors, their disappointments, the historical links with powerful Asia. They remind us of examples of "commitments consistent with the Pan-African cause".Voici un livre majeur, un labeur collectif qui exhume les fondements historiques et qui scrute les perspectives futures de l'une des plus grandes aventures intellectuelles, politiques et tout simplement humaines des six derniers siècles : le Panafricanisme. Les auteurs nous font revivre les temps forts du mouvement, ses congrès, ses pères fondateurs, leurs héritiers, leurs réussites, leurs errements, leurs déceptions, les liens historiques avec l'Asie puissante. Ils nous rappellent des exemples « d'engagements consistants à la cause panafricaine ».Cet ouvrage passionnant est touffu en éclairages en pistes réfléchies pour l'élaboration d'une feuille de route ; en programmes concrets qui donneraient corps à l'idéal panafricain contemporain, pour mieux connaître le grand projet panafricaniste et ses enjeux actuels. Véritable mine d'or, ce livre insiste sur la nécessité de s'appuyer sur toutes les traditions et tous les héritages existants notamment le rôle historique des « intellectuels panafricains dissidents », des « cerveaux rebelles ». Un hommage vibrant complètement naturel est rendu au Grand Iroko, le très regretté Professeur Joseph Ki-Zerbo, auguste témoin super- actif de cette même All African Peoples Conference de décembre 1958, où l'on tentait hardiment déjà, contre vents et marrées, Les Dieux le savent, d'« édifier un nouveau nationalisme dont le [P]anafricanisme ferait partie intégrante comme carburant et pour lui donner un sens sur la base de nos identités multiples et de nos citoyennetés diverses ».