Bøger udgivet af Encounter Books,USA

Since there are many famous writers - for example, Balzac, Proust Oscar Wilde - buried in Pere Lachaise cemetery in Paris, Anthony Daniels reasoned that there must be many more forgotten ones. And so it turned out. They are not forgotten because they were bad or uninteresting writers, and when the author disinterred their writings he found a literary and historical treasure trove.

Charles R. Kesler, an eminent scholar and prodigious editor, has exerted a profound influence on the study of American politics and the practice of American conservatism.A precocious high-school student, he impressed a visiting William F. Buckley Jr. who, before becoming a life-long friend, wrote him a recommendation letter to Yale. Kesler asked for another—to Harvard, where he completed his undergraduate degree and earned a PhD under the legendary professor Harvey C. Mansfield. An early passion for political journalism, played out largely on the pages of National Review, led Kesler to author an NR cover story on his third great influence, Harry V. Jaffa.Kesler became a faculty colleague of Jaffa’s at Claremont McKenna College and Claremont Graduate University and is perhaps best known as the editorial helmsman of the Claremont Review of Books. The author of I Am the Change: Barack Obama and the Crisis of Liberalism and Crisis of the Two Constitutions: The Rise, Decline, and Recovery of American Greatness, Kesler also co-edited (with William F. Buckley Jr.) Keeping the Tablets: Modern American Conservative Thought. His edited volume edition of The Federalist Papers is the best-selling edition version in the country.In this volume, Kesler’s students, friends, and colleagues commemorate his four-decade career as a teacher, mentor, and scholar.

The Founding Fathers were men of high intellect, steely integrity, and enormous ambition—but they were not all of one mind. They came from particular places in already diverse colonies, and they all sought their futures in different horizons. Without reliable maps of even nearby terrain, they contributed in different, and sometimes conflicting, ways to the expansion of a young republic on the seaboard edge of a continent of whose vast expanses they were largely ignorant. Mental Maps of the Founders explores the geographic orientation—the mental maps—of six of the Founders. Three were Virginians, who vied to expand their new nation toward different points of the compass. One, a refugee from Puritan Boston to more tolerant Philadelphia, built a commercial and journalistic empire spanning seaboard colonies and the West Indies. Two came from buzzing commercial entrepots of glaringly different character, the sugar-and-slave island of St. Croix in the Caribbean and the stern Swiss Calvinistic city-state of Geneva. These disparate origins informed their foundation and management of a financial and taxation system that enabled the new republic’s commerce to thrive. Inspired by the many wonderful books about the Founding Fathers, the journalist, map lover, and longtime co-author of The Almanac of American Politics Michael Barone set out to explore the geographical orientation—the mental maps—of the Founders. In a series of reflective essays, Barone shows how the Founders’ mental maps helped develop the contours and character of a young republic whose geographical features and political boundaries were yet unknown.

Over the past few years, sustainable investing—which is based on the theory that subjectiveenvironmental, social and governance or ESG factors should drive corporate policy and investmentdecisions—has swept across Wall Street, spurred on by the United Nations, sovereign governments andfinancial regulators and cheered on by academics, environmental activists, social justice warriors andthe media. To date, there has been little public resistance or analytical pushback as the ESG orthodoxyhas integrated itself into almost every corner of the financial markets. By 2030, the iron curtain ofsustainability will have fully descended across Wall Street. This book is meant to provide a detailedrebuttal to the case for sustainable investing from the perspective of a long-time Wall Street analyst andinvestor and latter-day finance professor. Sustainable investing is a scam because it is not aboutgenerating excess returns for investors or furthering ethical goals such as improving society or savingthe planet; rather, it is about controlling the world’s financial system and determining the allocation ofcapital and investment flows across the markets. It is liberal progressive politics masquerading asfinance whose objective is to create a compliant corporate sector that serves as both Greek chorus andfunding source for the environmental and social causes championed by government and the elite class.This book is designed to expose this truth in plain-spoken language—free of financial jargon—to reachthe widest possible audience, including the silent majority on Wall Street now afraid to speak up aboutESG.

Americans are more divided today than at any time since the Civil War. Our differences are not merely moral and political, but philosophical, and even spiritual. We hardly seem to experience the same reality anymore, preferring to self-select into media perception chambers whose projections vary according to political persuasion.Something has gone terribly wrong in the American political community. We have entered an era wherein the federal government’s democratically elected officers are powerless in comparison to their unelected, bureaucratic counterparts. The old balance of power, laid out in the Constitution, has been replaced by an entirely new structure.The American regime has become post-constitutional. But what is this post-constitutional arrangement? How does it operate? Who is in charge? Can it be overcome? What role will the Constitution play in the nation’s future?Glenn Ellmers—senior fellow with the Claremont Institute, widely-published analyst of current affairs, and scholar of political philosophy—provides answers to these and other questions, as he explores the deepest roots of our political turmoil, illustrating the connections between government bureaucracy, the misuse of science, and the leftwing ideology that controls so much of our public and private life.

Both of the authors found themselves savagely "canceled" by their peers in Japanese studies programs in the U.S. for refusing to follow the Woke line on the World War II "comfort women."  Contrary to the party line in American humanities departments, the women were not slaves.  They were prostitutes.  And the notion that they were anything but prostitutes owes itself to a hoax perpetrated by a Japanese communist author in the 1980s.  Any serious Japanese intellectual (of any political perspective) understands this, and many intellectuals in South Korea understand it as well.  It is a mark of the intellectual bankruptcy of the hyper-politicized humanities departments that they continue to cling to this 1980s-vintage hoax.      Through its "comfort women" framework, the Japanese military extended its licensing regime for domestic brothels to the brothels next to its overseas bases.  Through that regime, it imposed the strenuous health standards it needed to control the venereal disease that had debilitated its troops in earlier wars.  These "comfort stations" recruited their prostitutes through variations on the standard indenture contracts that the licensed brothels had used in both Korea and Japan.  Some women took the jobs because they were tricked by fraudulent recruiters.  Some took them under pressure from abusive parents.  But the rest seem to have taken the jobs for the money.

The great expedition to Sicily described in the sixth and seventh books of Thucydides' history can be depicted in a variety of ways. By some, it has been thoughtfully treated as an example of overreaching on the part of the Athenians. By others, it has been singled out as a sterling example of patriotism, courage, and grit on the part of the Syracusans. Never until now, however, has anyone examined this conflict from a Spartan perspective - despite the fact that Lacedaemon was the war's principal beneficiary and that her intervention with the dispatch of a single Spartiate turned the tide and decided the outcome. In Sparta's Sicilian Proxy War, Paul Rahe first outlines the struggle's origins and traces its progress early on, then examines the reasons for Sparta's intervention, analyzes the consequences, and retells the story of Athens' ignominious defeat. Rarely in human history has a political community gained so much at so little cost through the efforts of a single man.

Some Problems with Autobiography, Brian Brodeur's fourth collection, grapples with the porous and fragmentary nature of midwestern American identity in poems that range across prosodic forms and hybrid genres. By turns self-mocking, meditative, and tragi-comic, this book explores the perils of digital technologies, ecological uncertainties, and the inadequacy of language to convey our collective distress, asking how much pleasure and hardship the human heart can bear. Brodeur's narrative poems feature a dramatis personae rare in contemporary poetry, including a Syrian refugee enrolled in a writing workshop, the wife of an accused serial killer shopping defense lawyers, a horny psychoanalyst confessing a dream, and a carpenter working for the Department of Education during New York City's first lockdown. From dramatic-monologue sonnets and narrative sestinas to discursive lyrics cast in Rubáiyát stanzas and Alcaic strophes, Some Problems with Autobiography brings ancient modes into startlingly contemporary contexts.

"Only a short while ago, it was unimaginable that our nation would face a baby formula shortage facilitated by a bureaucratic delay, or witness the national massive embarrassment of flawed military and diplomatic action, such as the withdrawal from Afghanistan. Yet, our leaders and our federal agencies consistently fail the American people, despite the massive growth of these institutions. When David Bernhardt became Secretary of the Interior in the Trump Administration, he witnessed the full dysfunction of our federal agencies and learned that America's sprawling civil service was often unresponsive to the will of the nation's chief executive. In fact, agency staff aligned with the ideology of one political party often worked to actively "resist" the other. Meanwhile, our elected officials in Congress happily punted significant questions of public policy to those unaccountable agencies. In You Report to Me, Bernhardt provides a firsthand chronicle of how the bureaucratic swamp really works and reveals how unaccountable power has quietly concentrated in the administrative state over the last two decades. Drawing on his experiences working under two administrations, Bernhardt details how President Trump's enabling leadership revealed a path for curtailing the administrative state in the future. You Report to Me calls on America's leaders to turn off autopilot and retake control of this ever-multiplying, unaccountable federal bureaucracy before it completely destroys the Founders' vision of a government based on the consent of the governed"--

Perhaps the best book is an empty one. This exquisite notebook is the perfect canvas for notes, jokes, addresses, quotations, transactions, and equations?or for use as your personal diary.The notebook is bound in a distinctive goldenrod-colored cloth and features 176 unlined pages with a handy ribbon placeholder.Printed in the United States on 55 lb acid-free paper.

"Ever since Plato's Republic, the study of statecraft has been a staple of Western discourse, and so has the study of particular leaders. Although Jewish scholars, thinkers, and popularizers have contributed notably to this genre, strikingly few have turned their attention to the history of Jewish leaders-that is, leaders specifically of the Jewish people-in particular. And yet there has been no lack of such outstanding figures, from the biblical period of Jewish sovereignty in the Holy Land and once again in present-day Israel or during the millennia of exile and formal Jewish statelessness in the Diaspora. This book, devoted to ten of the most colorful, fascinating, and consequential Jewish political leaders over the past three millennia, fills the gap. Among the ten, men and women alike, some were firmly bound to Judaic religious teachings and others less so, but guiding all of them was the fixed lodestar of their own Jewish identity. By the mid-20th century, the legacy of past generations would inspire modern successors bent on the re-founding of the sovereign Jewish state, one of the greatest political feats in human history. In delving into the unique circumstances and predicaments faced by these ten, and into the characteristics that mark them and their statesmanship as specifically Jewish, readers will also become familiar with what Jewish tradition has to say about the demands of statesmanship and, by inference, with the qualities needed by successful Jewish political leaders encountering the challenges of today and tomorrow"--

"The Conservative Establishment consensus of the past two generations has almost totally broken down. The right needs to rethink its positions on all the essential questions: race, male/female, religion, the economy, foreign policy, and other major issues. This book hopes to frame the direction of where the right is going"--

"Well known as a political commentator and the author of sixteen novels, William F. Buckley Jr. was also a superb chronicler of travel. Getting About gathers over a hundred of his articles about journeys by boat, train, or plane, representing a lifetime of adventure around the world-from Annapolis to Zurich, from the Azores to the Virgin Islands. An elegant jetsetter with a flair for literary journalism, Buckley had few rivals in the art of travel writing. A master storyteller, he adeptly wove devices of fiction together with reportage to craft entertaining pieces full of exuberance and authority. Buckley's talent for arranging a mise-en-scáene stands out in accounts of riding the Orient Express, skiing at Alta, or vacationing at Barbuda. Though himself a central character in the story, he never dominates it. He wrote candidly about travel misadventures, as when his 60-foot schooner broke down in the Bahamas and was towed to Miami by a Coast Guard cutter, or when a malfunctioning compass landed his boat on a rocky shoal off Rhode Island and the Coast Guard said, "Sorry, we can't help you." He also took a gimlet eye to the travel industry and a discriminating palate to airline food, suggesting that airports sell "a really good box lunch" with celery râemoulade, fresh figs, and a nice Bordeaux."--

We live in the democratic age. So wrote Alexis de Tocqueville in 1835, in his magisterial work, Democracy in America.  Tocqueville thought this meant that as each nation left behind the vestiges of its aristocracy, life for its citizens or subjects would be increasingly isolated and lonely. In America, we know of our growing isolation and loneliness.  What of the Middle East?  In the Middle East today, citizens and subjects live amid a profound tension: Familial and tribal linkages hold them fast, and at the same time rapid modernization has left them as isolated and lonely as so many Americans are today. The looming question, anticipated so long ago by Tocqueville, is how they will respond to this isolation and loneliness. Joshua Mitchell has spent years teaching Tocqueville's social theory, in America and the Arab Gulf, and with Tocqueville in Arabia, he offers a profound account of how the crisis of isolation and loneliness is playing out in similar and in different ways, in America and in the Middle East. We live in a time rife with mutual misunderstandings between America and the Middle East. Tocqueville in Arabia offers a guide to the present, troubled times, leavened by the author's hopes about the future.

Willmoore Kendall's influence on American conservatism began with his role as mentor to William F. Buckley, Jr. at Yale, and it has probably grown in recent years. Both a political philosopher and a political scientist, Kendall (1909-1967) thought deeply about the core ideals of the U.S. Constitution, and of the American political tradition as expressed in documents ranging from colonial-era charters to the Federalist Papers-their origins, their correct interpretation, and how well our system fulfilled them. He also warned of the potential for another civil war if citizens became too divided on fundamental ideals. Kendall posed unconventional questions, such as whether individual rights played a central role in the American tradition. On familiar questions he reached unusual conclusions, such as that Congress should legislate slowly and with minimal controversy, or that conservatives should not take a "storming-from-outside" stance against "big government" but instead provide confident moral leadership. Besides being an incisive thinker, Kendall was an engaging teacher-despite his cantankerous personality-and he deployed a compelling prose style that combines meticulous logic with a colorful plain-spokenness. Today, what might be called a "Kendall school" of thought competes with libertarianism, traditionalism, and neoconservatism among right-leaning scholas and writers. Though often imprecisely represented by followers, Kendall's thinking can be summarized as a combination of three elements: populism, in the sense of a political and moral faith in the American people; counter-majoritarianism, or belief in a more complex political culture than "majority rule" as it is usually understood; and an insistence on the need to maintain a "public orthodoxy" or common political creed by social pressure and, if necessary, by legislation against extreme ideologies such as communism. David Frisk's intellectual biography focuses particularly on those three themes in Kendall's writing and assesses their implications. The result is a perceptive account of the career and contemporary relevance of a brilliant, original scholar of the American constitutional order.

"Americans often use the words progressive, liberal, and radical without considering their historical and political origins. While each movement rejected the older American republican principles, there were differences between Teddy Roosevelt's Anglo-Protestant progressive social gospelers who battled the trusts and checked immigration, Franklin Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson's secular liberals who introduced state capitalism and a civil rights agenda, and the 1960s radicals who protested the Great Society and war in Vietnam. Rather than a peaceful outgrowth, each movement rose in criticism of the one before. This book succinctly and thoroughly clarifies progressivism, liberalism, and radicalism in the history of ideas. But its history of the rise of the Global American Empire is only complete with the story of its fall. The revolution of the 1960s birthed a class divide. Elites on the left and right turned against the industrial middle class to erect an oligarchy at home and globalization abroad. While the radicals ensconced themselves in bureaucracy and academia to complete their systems of Identity Politics, neoliberal elites introduced monopoly capitalism, open borders, and outsourcing. The neoliberals' economic and military failures marked a crisis of legitimacy. In the Great Awokening of Barack Obama's second term, the American oligarchs kissed the ring of Identity Politics and used the covid-19 pandemic and myths of insurrection to strip away the rights of American citizens. Today a kleptocracy of incompetent, corrupt, and degenerate rulers drain the wealthiest and most powerful empire in history"--

Something is wrong with American journalism. Long before "fake news" became the calling card of the Right, Americans had lost faith in their news media. But lately, the feeling that something is off has become impossible to ignore. That's because the majority of our mainstream news is no longer just liberal; it's woke. Today's newsrooms are propagating radical ideas that were fringe as recently as a decade ago, including "antiracism," intersectionality, open borders, and critical race theory. How did this come to be?It all has to do with who our news media is written by-and who it is written for. In Bad News: How Woke Media Is Undermining Democracy, Batya Ungar-Sargon reveals how American journalism underwent a status revolution over the twentieth century-from a blue-collar trade to an elite profession. As a result, journalists shifted their focus away from the working class and toward the concerns of their affluent, highly educated peers. With the rise of the Internet and the implosion of local news, America's elite news media became nationalized and its journalists affluent and ideological. And where once business concerns provided a countervailing force to push back against journalists' worst tendencies, the pressures of the digital media landscape now align corporate incentives with newsroom crusades.The truth is, the moral panic around race, encouraged by today's elite newsrooms, does little more than consolidate the power of liberal elites and protect their economic interests. And in abandoning the working class by creating a culture war around identity, our national media is undermining American democracy. Bad News explains how this happened, why it happened, and the dangers posed by this development if it continues unchecked.

Curiosity led Edward Epstein to investigate some of the greatest political mysteries of our time, such as the JFK assassination in Dallas, the Vatican banking scandal in Rome, and the diamond cartel in South Africa. Seeking more information, he often found himself a fly on the wall at the highest reaches of the establishment, observing how presidents, tycoons, bankers, and media moguls secretly greased the wheels of power. This memoir recounts his life as a pursuer of lost truths. Some accuse Epstein of being a conspiracist, but that is incorrect. He is a puzzle solver. Instead of accepting the received wisdom, he searches for the missing pieces of the picture, such as the autopsy photographs of President John F. Kennedy that were kept from the investigation conducted by the Warren Commission. Finding suppressed or overlooked evidence may result in overturning an established narrative, as happened with the publication of Inquest, Epstein's book about the official probe into the JFK assassination. But that is very different from looking for a conspiracy. Sometimes, Epstein's work has in fact uncovered a deep conspiracy, as with the world diamond cartel. Other times, it has discredited belief in a conspiracy, as when he delved into the murders of numerous Black Panthers. After his findings were published in the New Yorker, newspapers including the Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times issued editorial apologies for their own reporting on the murders, which had suggested that an FBI conspiracy was behind them. Epstein's primary interest has never been to advance an agenda, but rather to spot gaps in the conventional narrative and fill them in. Assume Nothing is the story of a lifelong quest for missing puzzle pieces, and also a story of self-actualization.

If you want to know why American Indians have the highest rates of poverty of any racial group, why suicide is the leading cause of death among Indian men, why native women are two and a half times more likely to be raped than the national average and why gang violence affects American Indian youth more than any other group, do not look to history. There is no doubt that white settlers devastated Indian communities in the 19th, and early 20th centuries. But it is our policies today-denying Indians ownership of their land, refusing them access to the free market and failing to provide the police and legal protections due to them as American citizens-that have turned reservations into small third-world countries in the middle of the richest and freest nation on earth.The tragedy of our Indian policies demands reexamination immediately-not only because they make the lives of millions of American citizens harder and more dangerous-but also because they represent a microcosm of everything that has gone wrong with modern liberalism. They are the result of decades of politicians and bureaucrats showering a victimized people with money and cultural sensitivity instead of what they truly need-the education, the legal protections and the autonomy to improve their own situation.If we are really ready to have a conversation about American Indians, it is time to stop bickering about the names of football teams and institute real reforms that will bring to an end this ongoing national shame.

Triumph Regained: The Vietnam War, 1965‿1968 is the long-awaited sequel to the immensely influential Triumph Forsaken: The Vietnam War, 1954‿1965. Like its predecessor, this book overturns the conventional wisdom using a treasure trove of new sources, many of them from the North Vietnamese side. Rejecting the standard depiction of U.S. military intervention as a hopeless folly, it shows America‿s war to have been a strategic necessity that could have ended victoriously had President Lyndon Johnson heeded the advice of his generals. In light of Johnson‿s refusal to use American ground forces beyond South Vietnam, General William Westmoreland employed the best military strategy available. Once the White House loosened the restraints on Operation Rolling Thunder, American bombing inflicted far greater damage on the North Vietnamese supply system than has been previously understood, and it nearly compelled North Vietnam to capitulate. The book demonstrates that American military operations enabled the South Vietnamese government to recover from the massive instability that followed the assassination of President Ngo Dinh Diem. American culture sustained public support for the war through the end of 1968, giving South Vietnam realistic hopes for long-term survival. America‿s defense of South Vietnam averted the imminent fall of key Asian nations to Communism and sowed strife inside the Communist camp, to the long-term detriment of America‿s great-power rivals, China and the Soviet Union.