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It is the story of the formation of Hungary's image abroad before and during World War I.
The importance of the political thought of Tomas G. Masaryk (1850-1937), the first president of Czechoslovakia, has been based on two considerations. One was his image as the principal shaper of the democratic culture in inter-war Czechoslovakia. The other image was as a model of political prudence and sagacity not only for East-Central Europe, but one recognized universally. He was called by his contemporaries "the wisest European of today" and "the greatest man in Europe." John MacCormac, writing in the New York Times in 1930, saw in Masaryk a personage of the same caliber as Washington, Lincoln, and Wilson. Masaryk brought to his political activity the assets of profound background in scholarship, as well as a religious flavor. A leitmotif of Masaryk''s intellectual search was his desire to establish a religious dimension to the human experience. Unable to accept his native Catholicism, whether traditional or liberal, he turned to the two modernizing trends in German Lutheranism that had jettisoned traditional dogma and liturgy. Zden─òk V. David''s main interest is to probe the mind of the man as revealed through his writings on philosophy and religion, and to map out his position in relation to the principal Austrian, British, French, and German ΓÇô to some extent also American and Russian ΓÇô thinkers with whom he dealt in his philosophical and religious writings. . He focuses on the ideas behind Masaryk''s political pronouncements and activities.
It''s a well-worn cliché that every policy has costs, not just benefits, as well as unintended consequences. The eastward enlargement of the European Union in 2004 and after is a case very much in point. Fifteen years on there is greater or lesser dissatisfaction both in Brussels and in the new member states that joined. This book explores the whys and wherefores from an unusual and original perspective. The author, György Schöpflin, worked for nearly three decades as an academic at the London School of Economics and then as a member of the European Parliament for a decade and a half. By and large, academics seldom have the chance of seeing how theory operates in the real world, what politics is like at the coal-face. The book reflects both dimensions and is indispensable for anyone who wants to know how political theory works in practice.
Now finally available in English, this biography of Margarethe Csonka-Trautenegg (1900-1999) offers a fully-rounded picture of a willful and psychologically complex aesthete. As Freud''s never-before-identified "case of female homosexuality", her analysis continues to spark often heated psychoanalytic debate. Margarethe''s ("Sidonie''s") experiences spanned the twentieth century. Jewish by birth, she fled upper-class life in Vienna for Cuba to escape the Nazis, only to return post-war to a "leaden" city and relative poverty. Fleeing again, she took various jobs abroad, and returned permanently only in old age. The interviews and taped oral histories that form the basis of this book were produced during the final five of her years. Well-researched historical background information supplements the story of Margarethe''s journey across time and continents.
The key concept of this title is that of federalism, understood as a unifying factor for the peoples of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire. During the First World War, even those resolutely in favor of dismantling Austria-Hungary recognized that the Danubian area required some sort of federal unity, if only for economic reasons. One of the main actors of the narrative is Karl of Habsburg-Lorraine, the last Emperor-King of Austria-Hungary. As soon as Austria-Hungary fell apart, Karl started actively to try to reconstruct his empire by writing a plan for a new con/federal monarchy and by contacting the pope and the leaders of the Entente regarding this plan.Bécsi''s book is a study in virtual history, what might have been, and reading it one is tempted to follow this line of thought as well. The shadowy figures that cross its pages-the Marquis de Castellone who sought to win over the Foreign Office to Karl''s plans, the better-known Stepan Radić who played with federal schemes in an effort to advance the Croatian cause, or the obscure swindler Karol Bulissa-all failed in their attempts. The present configuration in Central Europe, with the emergence of the Visegrad bloc and disintegration inthe Balkans, seems to make Zoltán Bécsi''s work more relevant than ever.
Cleveland, Ohio, has been the U.S. hub for all things related to Hungary and Hungarians since the nineteenth century. Today, Cleveland's Hungarian community remains vibrant and continues to value and preserve its heritage despite the ongoing impact of economic, social and cultural changes, demographic shifts and gentrification.
The aim of this volume is to shed light on a little known controversy about the most tragic year 1944, in Hungary: did a unit of the Hungarian army prevent the deportation of 300,000 Jewish Hungarians living in Budapest to the Nazi death camps?Colonel Ferenc Koszorús used the 1st Hungarian Armored Division under his command to force the removal of the gendarmerie loyal to the pro-Nazi puppet government and ready to carry out the deportation of the Jews from Budapest. By that time the Regent, Admiral Horthy, under international pressure and learning from the Auschwitz Protocol of what was in store for the deported Hungarian nationals, ordered the ending of the deportations. There were rumors in town that the pro-Nazi and rabidly anti-Semitic State Secretary Baky was planning a coup to remove the Regent and to continue the deportations. As the round-up of Jews, contrary to the order of the Regent, was started on the outskirts of Budapest, Col. Koszorús, with the approval of Horthy entered Budapest with his troops and sent a courier to Baky threatening him with military action unless the gendarmerie is evacuated. Baky had no alternative but to comply. This action foiled both the coup (if that was really planned) and the continuation of the deportations. The Jews of Budapest were thus temporarily saved and Wallenberg and others could help them to survive the war until the Soviet Army occupied Budapest and expelled the Germans by February 1945.
This book is the memoir of Vilmos Nagybaczoni Nagy, (30 May 1884-21 June 1976) who served as the Minister of Defense in the Hungarian Government between September 1942 and June 1943. Hhe was the first Hungarian to be named "Righteous Among The Nations" by Yad Vashem.
In the darkness of the early morning of 3 March 1949, practically all of the Transylvanian aristocracy were arrested in their beds and loaded into lorries. That same day the Romanian Workers' Party was pleased to announce the successful deportation and dispossession of all large landowners.
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