Bøger i Palgrave Studies in Classical Liberalism serien

Climate Liberalism examines the potential and limitations of classical-liberal approaches to pollution control and climate change. Some successful environmental strategies, such as the use of catch-shares for fisheries, instream water rights, and tradable emission permits, draw heavily upon the classical liberal intellectual tradition and its emphasis on property rights and competitive markets. This intellectual tradition has been less helpful, to date, in the development or design of climate change policies. Climate Liberalism aims to help fill the gap in the academic literature examining the extent to which classical-liberal principles, including an emphasis on property rights, decentralized authority and dynamic markets, can inform the debate over climate-change policies. The contributors in this book approach the topic from a range of perspectives and represent multiple academic disciplines. Chapters consider the role of property rights and common-law legal systems in controlling pollution, the extent to which competitive markets backed by legal rules encourage risk minimization and adaptation, and how to identify the sorts of policy interventions that may help address climate change in ways that are consistent with liberal values.

This book is intended as a major interdisciplinary contribution to the study of Nietzsche¿s thought in particular, and the political right more generally. Historically the assessment of Nietzsche¿s politics has ranged from denouncing him as a forerunner to Nazism to claiming he effectively did not have articulated political convictions. During the latter half of the 20th century he surprisingly became a major theoretical influence on a variety of post-structuralist radical critics, who saw in his perspectivism and genealogy of power useful tools to critique existent structures of domination. This collection of essays reframes the debate by looking at Nietzsche¿s constructive political project defending aristocratic values from the levelling influence of the herd and its liberal, socialist, and democratic spokesmen. The essays will also explore how this defense of aristocratic values continues to have an influence on the political right, inspiring moderates like Jordan Peterson and farright authors and activists like Aleksandr Dugin and Steve Bannon.

This book covers how Liberal institutions ¿ constitutional democracy, economic markets, liberal courts, free trade, international human rights ¿ around the world are under assault by the political right and we are witnessing the emergence of post-liberal institutions. These post-liberal institutions are founded on the core conviction that the actions of liberal institutions including the United States Supreme Court are patently unjust. This volume makes the case against post-liberal courts and justice by reconnecting to the principles of moral equality and dignified freedom for all. The intention is to show how there is great untapped potential in the work of Ronald Dworkin¿s work to demonstrate that it can help progressive liberals think through the great issues of the day and respond to the contemporary criticisms of the political right. The core themes are concretely illustrated by focusing on some of the most controversial recent post-liberal decisions of the Supreme Court, ranging from election funding to abortion to race-sensitive affirmative action, to economic inequality in an age of increasingly unequal opportunities.

This book argues for evolutionary epistemology and distinguishing functionality from physicality in the social sciences. It explores the implications for this approach to understanding in biology, economics, psychology and political science. Presenting a comprehensive overview of philosophical topics in the social sciences, the book emphasizes how all human cognition and behavior is characterized by functionality and complexity, and thus cannot be explained by the point predictions and exact laws found in the physical sciences. Realms of functional complexity - such as the market order in economics, the social rules of conduct, and the human CNS - require a focus on explanations of the principles involved rather than predicting exact outcomes. This requires study of the historical context to understand behavior and cognition. This approach notes that functional complexity is central to classical liberal ideas such as division of labour and knowledge, and how this is a far more powerful and adequate account of social organization than central planning. Through comparison of these approaches, as well as its interdisciplinary scope, this book will interest both academics and students in philosophy, biology, economics, psychology and all other social sciences.

This book studies the ongoing transition from an industrial to a creative (or post-industrial) society and how the creative society depends on a ¿soft infrastructure¿ of individualist values and institutions. It explains this by looking first at the key actors in the creative society: creative individuals and entrepreneurial individuals, using insights from social and cognitive psychology and the economic theory of entrepreneurship. It shows how individual creativity and entrepreneurship are supported by both cultural individualism, based on the work of political scientists Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel, as well as political individualism, the principles of a democratic market economy guided by classical liberalism. The book offers a number of policy implications that result from the connection of this multidisciplinary reconceptualization of individualism to economic creativity. It discusses a system of property rights that accommodates the creation of new property, ranging from the result of what we normally think of as product innovation to larger-scale innovations embodied in the formation of new lifestyle communities. It also considers examples such as universities that are more open to experimentation and more autonomous from government regulation, and a more liberal immigration policy that may result from the positive association between population diversity and creativity. This book is intended to support further interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary research on the creative society (also known as post-industrialism, the postmodern society or the knowledge-based society). It will be of interest to academics and postgraduate students working in political economy, entrepreneurship, institutional economics, Austrian economics, and public policy.

Classical liberalism has typically sought to maintain as much room as possible for the exercise of personal initiative in the face of the encroachment of states. This book explores these questions of coercion and authority in the context of the size and scope of the state and argues that the state and its agents should be held to the same moral rules as are the individuals it rules over. The book considers how a distinct feature of the state is its police or coercive power, about which one may ask how the state acquires it and what if anything would justify its use. It considers the implication that there is nothing inherent about state agents that entitles one to behave in ways that we would not accept from a private actor, and how once that argument is made, the state's claim to authority is weakened. The author also discusses the extent to which democracy has been thought to provide any sort of justification for coercion or authority.  This book will be of interest to academics and students of political philosophy, especially classical liberalism, and legal philosophy.  

This book explores controversies surrounding free speech and open inquiry (FSOI) in various regions of the Anglophone world. The authors argue that the past decade has seen a noticeable erosion of FSOI across the globe, aided and abetted by university clerisies and state apparatuses. These groups' policing of language and pandering to cancel culture, the authors argue, have narrowed the Overton window to the point of reinvigorating the push for blasphemy law within liberal democracies themselves and impeding certain avenues scientific research. While most books on the subject discuss the American constitutional context of the First Amendment, this book considers free speech in the wider context of other Anglo countries. It also includes scholars from a variety of disciplines whose approaches will not only be ideologically distinct, but demonstrate a diversity of disciplinary approaches and concerns.

This book provides an overview of some of the most important critics of ¿Enlightenment rationalism.¿ The subjects of the volume (including, among others, Pascal, Vico, Schmitt, Weber, Anscombe, Scruton, and Tolkien) do not share a philosophical tradition as much as a skeptical disposition toward the notion, common among modern thinkers, that there is only one standard of rationality or reasonableness, and that that one standard is or ought to be taken from the presuppositions, methods, and logic of the natural sciences.The essays on each thinker are intended not merely to offer a commentary on that thinker, but also to place the person in the context of this larger stream of anti-rationalist thought.

This book is a systematic and thorough analysis of what post-modernity is and how it emerged. It distinguishes between those who regard post-modernity as a theoretical approach and those who regard it as a culture, and argues that interpreting post-modernity as a culture is more fruitful. It discusses the three factors which led to its emergence, namely liberalism, capitalism, and secularism, highlighting their respective influence in generating the culture of post-modernity within neoliberal societies.The volume provides a lengthy analysis of neoliberal post-modernity in practice, arguing that post-modernism is the cultural condition of neoliberal societies in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Until recently it seemed that neoliberal post-modernity was here to stay, framed by relationship to freedom and time which stressed individual agency but precluded the possibility of historical change at the political level. However, the Great Recession of2008 opened new spaces for agitation and transformation which has resulted in the discordant politics of the last decade. This book will be of interest to scholars working in a number of fields, including economic policy, cultural analysis, political theory, and social critique.

This book examines contemporary policy debates from opposing perspectives. It considers seven key topics in today¿s society: land use, education, international trade, health insurance, technological change, and recreational alcohol and drugs. Two scholars with differing viewpoints discuss each topic, one working in the classical liberal tradition and the other advocating slower, incremental societal change. While classical liberalism historically presents a vision of society comprised of free and responsible individuals, this book shows the importance of considering the nuances of this vision today. Beyond theoretical regulation vs. de-regulation debates, the book highlights challenges for classical liberals by considering how dynamism and creative destruction may disrupt communities, leading to worse outcomes for some groups. This edited volume aims to deepen understanding of this challenge to a free society and partake in and encourage civil intellectual discourse and debate. It willinterest students and scholars from various fields, including economics, political science, public health, and environmental studies.

This first volume, History and its Betrayal, traces the development of major themes of liberalism from the increase in human population beyond the limits of the face-to-face society of tribalism and small groups up until the present day. It shows that the principles underlying liberalism are the evolutionary development of social organizations that have resulted from the complexity of human action rather than any conscious design or purpose.This book draws out the differences between the classical liberalism dependent upon spontaneous and tacit ordering as a result of evolution, and the explicit or conscious or directed version of progressivism. It shows that the most important recent developments in the philosophy of rationality and the methodology of scientific research, as well as in evolutionary epistemology and the philosophy of biology, actually stem from the theories of complex social organization of the moralists such as Hume, Ferguson, and Smith. The book shows clearly that classical liberalism was never refuted-indeed, no attempt to do so has been offered-it has simply been ignored in favour of programs which sound beneficial and soothing but which cannot be instituted without returning to tribalism.

This second volume, Basics of a Liberal Psychological, Social and Moral Order, overviews developments in the theory of spontaneously ordered complex phenomena, the psychology of inference and expectation, the nature of anticipatory systems in the psychological and economic domains, and the evolution of scientific thought and knowledge. The book applies these insights to the nature of markets and morals, what education should consist of, and the problems of alienation and our existential malaise as we move into an increasingly abstract society. In doing so it also shows the unscientific nature of the rationalist constructivist approach of progressivism, and the disastrous consequences that would arise from following these positions.The book shows the complex interplay between top-down or directed structures (what Hayek and others have called taxis organizations) and far more complex orders of the social or psychological cosmos in which they are embedded as constituents. It details how the key to the market orders of society depends upon their capacity to impersonally convey information to agents. Markets can serve unknown and unforeseen ends for individuals who do not know or have contact with other market participants. This is a vastly more powerful and productive system than anything that can arise in a tribal or face-to-face organization limited to personal contact, such as the sort proposed by the constructivists. The book will be of interest to academics and scholars in classical liberalism, economics and political philosophy.

This book offers an alternative to perspectives of distributive justice which fail to resolve economic inequality and exacerbate social problems by ignoring the real causes of inequality. The main impact of the book is to highlight the importance of self-ownership and private property, showing how market participation advances liberty and prosperity.The idea that we should pay reparations to disadvantaged racial groups as compensation for historical injustice is deeply contested. The debates often focus on the practical implications of paying reparations, but overlook more fundamental questions about the meaning of justice. What is justice? What are the implications of wealth redistribution for individual liberty and the rule of law? This book answers these questions through an analysis of classical liberal perspectives in law, philosophy and economics.The book questions whether economic inequality stems from historical injustice, and explores the wider implications of attempting to create equal outcomes through legislative mandates. The book argues that free markets, resting on libertarian rights, are the best way to help disadvantaged members of society and to create the conditions more likely to advance economic equality. The book will be of interest to researchers and students of economics, law, politics and philosophy.

The Wisdom of the Commons examines the history and philosophy of civic education as the essential political part of liberal education. This study distinguishes itself from other works on liberal and civic education by focusing explicitly on the civic and liberal education of those citizens who are not destined for prominent positions within politics and government but are still a part of and relevant to political society. It considers this strand of liberal and civic education, in both its ancient and modern iterations, by focusing on the philosophies of Plato, Cicero, Locke, Rousseau, and Adam Smith.

This book challenges the notion that commodities are always good hedges against inflation, which is the conventional belief today in financial markets. Specifically, it focuses on gold as a traditional hedge and the ways in which crypto assets are argued to be positioned as an alternative hedge against inflationary risk.The book engages with emerging debates around the performance of gold since the 2008 financial crisis, analyzing its characteristics, relationship with inflation, and the role of mining companies, and discusses ways that cryptocurrencies have replaced precious metals as an attractive asset class during an inflationary scenario. In considering the case of crypto as being or not a good inflation hedge, the book devotes particular attention to the theoretical financial and macroeconomic implications of a monetary system based on Bitcoin, dealing with the concept of money and the determination of Bitcoin's supply and purchasing power. Additionally, it outlines the consequences that such a system would entail for the banking industry, and financial conditions involving interest rates, exchange rates, and the inflation-deflation dynamic. The book also analyses the relative impact of past and future events on the different commodity families.This work will be of interest to students and researchers in financial economics, macroeconomics, and monetary economics, as well as analysts and traders in financial and commodity markets.

The book presents a new theoretical approach to the description of economic phenomena over time.

The Wisdom of the Commons examines the history and philosophy of civic education as the essential political part of liberal education.

This book explores the neglected contribution of the American and English "psychological" school to economic theory, especially to the development and refinement of the Austrian school of economics.

First, to provide a critical legal examination of the liberal state and liberal rights in the law, and secondly, to present a systematic alternative to liberal approaches to both the law and rights, grounded in a left wing conception of human dignity.

This book offers a sustained and vigorous defence of free expression and objective enquiry situated in the context of the current culture wars.

After reprising their explanation and defense of natural rights, Rasmussen and Den Uyl explain metaphysical realism and defend it against neo-pragmatist objections.

This book analyses the egalitarian foundations of equality law from a classical liberal perspective by asking two central questions: does justice ideally demand equality? In defending the classical ideal of formal equality in contexts of racial diversity this book questions the ethical status of egalitarian social and moral ideals.

This book considers the "three Ps" of liberty: pragmatism, pluralism, and polycentricity. These concepts enrich the complex tradition of classical liberal jurisprudence, providing workable solutions based on the decentralization, diffusion, and dispersal of power.