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Découvrez l'histoire complexe de l'Empire Ottoman depuis sa création jusqu'à sa fin en 1922. À travers les conquêtes, les guerres et les réformes, explorez les nombreuses facettes de ce royaume qui s'étendait sur trois continents. Un livre indispensable pour comprendre l'histoire du Moyen-Orient et de l'Europe.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it.This work is in the "public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
This book offers a comprehensive examination of the complex relationship between ethnicity, religion, and political preferences among the Kurdish population of Turkey. Focused on understanding the factors influencing political behavior, this groundbreaking book delves into the intriguing phenomenon where a significant portion of Kurds align themselves with non-ethnic political parties, notably the ruling Islamist Justice and Development Party (JDP/AKP), despite historical struggles for ethnic and cultural rights led by pro-Kurdish political parties. Drawing on extensive research and a model based on a vital conceptual distinction between the Kurdish ethnic category and the ethnic groups within it, the author systematically explores the intricacies of ethnicity-based demands and ethnic identity perceptions. The study effectively differentiates between membership in the broader Kurdish ethnic category and the specific Kurdish ethnic groups formed and led by Kurdish political entrepreneurs, providing nuanced insights into the diverse motivations shaping Kurdish political affiliations.The book convincingly argues that while the Kurdish population generally supports ethnic cultural demands, their political demands diverge significantly. On one hand, those who support pro-Kurdish political parties align with the ethnic groups and espouse the political demands put forth by Kurdish political entrepreneurs. On the other hand, a majority of Kurds who back non-ethnic political parties do not share these political demands, highlighting the nuanced nature of political alignment within the Kurdish community.Moreover, the study delves into the multifaceted dimension of Kurdish ethnic identity perceptions in relation to Islam. It reveals two distinct forms of Kurdish identity: secular and non-secular/religious. Supporters of pro-Kurdish political parties tend to adopt a secular form of Kurdish identity, championed by Kurdish political elites, while those who endorse the ruling Islamist party (JDP/AKP) are more inclined towards a non-secular form of Kurdish identity.
Turkey is a land torn between East and West, between its glorious past and a dangerous, unpredictable future. After the violence of an attempted military coup against President Erdogan in 2016, an event which shocked the world, journalist and novelist Kaya Genç travelled around his country on a quest to find the places and people in whom the contrasts of Turkey's rich past meet. As suicide bombers attack Istanbul, and journalists and teachers are imprisoned, he walks the streets of the famous Ottoman neighbourhoods, telling the stories of the ordinary Turks who live among the contradictions and conflicts of Anatolia, one of the world's oldest civilizations. Featuring new material on the 2023 elections, The Lion and the Nightingale presents the spellbinding story of a country whose history has been split between East and West, between violence and beauty - between the roar of the lion and the song of the nightingale. Weaving together a mixture of memoir, interview and his own autobiography, Genç takes the reader on a contemporary journey through the contradictory soul of the Turkish nation.
"The Tunisian historiography of the modern era has broadly centered on a narrative of three successive powers: the pashas, first, followed by the deys, who were in turn deposed by the beys. This approach has provided all the components of a national narrative: it has posited the decline of the pasha's authority as a consequence of the Tunisian province's autonomy, and has framed the wars between deys and beys as a conflict of identity between the Turks and the locals. While this linear story is seductive in its apparent coherence, it leaves several questions in the shadows, in particular, the interference of several external forces in the affairs of the province: most notably, the Ottoman Empire. The Regency of Tunis was effectively controlled by the Ottomans who had reactivated a former Hafsid institution, the mhalla. A kind of itinerant power, the mhalla succeeded in allowing the Ottomans to establish peace through the creation of tax regulations and matrimonial alliances with the tribes. Thus, the Regency of Tunis was able to distinguish itself from other imperial provinces through the founding of a monarchical house symbolically linked to the Empire and, at the same time, socially anchored in its territory. Relying on local sources in Tunisian archives, Leèila Blili places the Regency of Tunis firmly within the Ottoman Empire, revealing the complex connections between the imperial center and its far-flung province, and challenging the long-standing theory of Tunisian autonomy. Blili's examination of social continuity during moments of intense political turbulence restores the place of women in the narrative of state formation, underlining the significance of the matrimonial politics of sovereigns and the crucial political and social roles women played in the regency."--
The influence of the ulema, the official Sunni Muslim religious scholars of the Ottoman Empire, is commonly understood to have waned in the empire's last century. Drawing upon Ottoman state archives and the institutional archives of the ulema, this study challenges this narrative, showing that the ulema underwent a process of professionalisation as part of the wider Tanzimat reforms and thereby continued to play an important role in Ottoman society. First outlining transformations in the office of the Sheikh ul-islam, the leading Ottoman Sunni Muslim cleric, the book goes on to use the archives to present a detailed portrait of the lives of individual ulema, charting their education and professional and social lives. It also includes a glossary of Turkish-Arabic vocabulary for increased clarity. Contrary to beliefs about their decline, the book shows they played a central role in the empire's efforts to centralise the state by acting as intermediaries between the government and social groups, particularly on the empire's peripheries.
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