Marxisme og kommunisme

This volume is the first to contain all of Luxemburg’s eloquent writings on the 1917 Russian and 1918-19 German Revolutions

"Many Americans believe that the United States is in decline. They see a country that has become unrecognizable: where individuals are reduced to their race, ethnicity, or sexual identity; where children are indoctrinated into radical ideologies; where anti-semitism has become widespread. This book explains how all of these ills are rooted in Marxism. To be sure, it is not Soviet Marxism, but a Marxism that was shaped by European intellectuals, adapted and refined by America's student radicals of the 1960s, and diffused throughout the culture as those student radicals became professors, community organizers, and leaders"--

Marxist Unity Group is an organization committed to political struggle within the Democratic Socialists of America. This makes us a DSA faction, and we aim to be a constructive one. Our words "Marxist Unity" are aspirational: we hope to rally thousands of Marxists in DSA around a shared vision for our movement's future. Fight the Constitution: For a Democratic Socialist Republic is a selection of essays by Marxist Unity Group's members, covering their views on democracy and the state, political parties and their programs, and electoral and labor strategy. It represents a diversity of views within the scope of our points of unity, sometimes dovetailing and other times in conflict, rather than a party line.

"In Embracing Alienation, Todd McGowan offers a completely different take on alienation, claiming that the effort to overcome it is not a radical response to the current state of things but a failure to see the constitutive power of alienation for all of us. Instead of trying to overcome alienation and accede to an unalienated existence, it argues, we should instead redeem alienation as an existential and political program. Engaging with Shakespeare's great tragedies, contemporary films such as Don't Worry Darling, and even what occurs on a public bus, as well as thinkers such as Descartes, Hegel, and Marx, McGowan provides a concrete elaboration of how alienation frees peoplefrom their situation. Relying on the tradition of dialectical thought and psychoanalytic theory, Embracing Alienation reveals a new way of conceiving how we measure progress -- or even if progress should be the aim at all."--

Ensayo que tiene por objetivo repensar la unión de las esferas marxista y feminista para encontrar sus puntos comunes discutiendo, en particular, acerca de aquello que atañe a las mujeres como clase sexual no constituida como sujeto político organizado contra la explotación a la que se enfrenta en la sociedad capitalista.

The Russian Revolution of 1917 thrilled millions around the world and showed that socialism was possible.Sandra Bloodworth brings to life the struggle of the workers, soldiers and peasants against their oppressors. She shows how the vast masses of working people learnt, through the experience of fighting for their demands, that if they did not definitively defeat the capitalist class, the only alternative would be counter-revolution and military dictatorship. They learnt that they could run society themselves, through the revolutionary soviets, and that they would have to do so in order to end the world war, to win bread for starving families and to liberate the enslaved peasantry.This book is an essential introduction to one of the greatest moments in human history. Bloodworth dispels the persistent myths propagated by the revolution's opponents - that it was a bloody coup, or that Stalin's dictatorship was the only possible outcome. She instead reveals the revolution as an inspiring experiment in human liberation, full of lessons for anyone fighting for a better world today.

Lenin's Marxist classic explains the inevitable flaws and destructive power of capitalism: that it would lead unavoidably to imperialism, monopolies and colonialism.

How to take a political beating and surviveIn the struggle for a better world, setbacks are inevitable. Defeat can feel overwhelming at times, but it has to be endured. How then do the people on the front line keep going? To answer that question and to help readers roll with the punches, Hannah Proctor draws on historical resources to find out how revolutionaries and activists of the past kept a grip on hope.Burnout considers former Communards exiled to a penal colony in the South Pacific; a young Bolshevik fleeing the city in despair; an ex-militant on the analyst’s couch relating dreams of ruined landscapes; a trade union organizer seeking advice from a spiritual healer; and a group of feminists padding a room with mattresses to scream about the patriarchy. Jettisoning therapy talk and its stranglehold on our language, Proctor offers a different way forward—neither denial nor despair. Her cogent exploration of the ways militants make sense of their own burnout demonstrates that it is possible to mourn and organize at once, and to do both without compromise.[ENDORSEMENTS TK][logo]SUBJECT LINE [INITIAL CAP ONLY]: PoliticsRETAIL PRICES [DOMESTIC MARKET FIRST]: £14.99 / $24.95 / $33.95CANversobooks.comISBN-13: 9781839766053

Programme politique d'Alain Bopp : Éloge de l'Helvetia.

Eugen Von Böhm-Bawerk, economist of the Austrian school, wrote this incisive critique of Marxist economics amid rising public support for socialism, communism and state-controlled markets in Europe.Published in 1896, this work criticizes Marxist theory from two angles: firstly, that the notion of value which Marx puts forward contradict his own ideas. The author asserts that the link between the price of producing goods and the value produced by labor are not consistently dealt with in Marx's works. This inconsistency in assigning value to economic production leads onto the second critique:Supply and demand is a theory whereby an equilibrium between goods supplied to a market and goods demanded by consumers in said market is established, with changes in the quantity or price of a good being in reaction to demand. Böhm-Bawerk discusses how Marx underestimates this law, and how his lack of appreciation for an economy which flexibly meets the shifting demands of consumers undermines his notions of price and value. From the perspective of a free market capitalist, Marxist theory is inadequate and insufficient as a system of economics.

On the 100th anniversary of the publication of History and Class Consciousness, a new edition of this indispensable guide to Lukács's thought and politics

Plenty Good Room lays out in clear terms the hope of democratic socialism for a country ravaged by intensifying capitalism. Black Christian socialism mounts a challenge to endless greed and profiteering, and this book will unleash your political and economic ingenuity for systems that offer plenty good room--not for just a few but for all.

This collection of texts by V.I. Lenin was originally compiled by the Communist Working Circle, a Danish anti-imperialist group. In the late 1960s, the CWC developed the so-called "parasite state" theory linking the imperialist exploitation and oppression of the proletariat in the Global "South" with the establishment of states in the Global "North" in which the working class lives in relative prosperity. In connection with studies of this division of the world, CWC published these texts by Lenin with the title "On Imperialism and Opportunism."What is the relevance of these texts today? Firstly, the connection that Lenin posits between imperialism and opportunism-that is, the sacrifice of long-term socialist goals for short-term or sectional gains-is more pronounced than ever. Second, imperialism may, in many respects, have changed its economic mechanisms and its political form, but its content is fundamentally the same, namely, a transfer of value from the Global South to the Global North, with the political outcome being that the working class is divided into a highly-exploited proletariat in the South and a working class in the North which lives in relative prosperity. Lenin referred to this better-off section of the working class as a "labor aristocracy." With an introduction by former CWC member Torkil Lauesen.

" Von verschiednen Seiten warf man uns vor, daß wir nicht die ökonomischen Verhältnisse dargestellt haben, welche die materielle Grundlage der jetzigen Klassenkämpfe und Nationalkämpfe bilden. Wir haben planmäßig diese Verhältnisse nur da berührt, wo sie sich in politischen Kollisionen unmittelbar aufdrängenEs galt vor allem den Klassenkampf in der Tagesgeschichte zu verfolgen und an dem vorhandnen und täglich neu geschaffnen geschichtlichen Stoff empirisch nachzuweisen, daß mit der Unterjochung der Arbeiterklasse, welche Februar und März gemacht hatte, gleichzeitig ihre Gegner besiegt wurden ¿ die Bourgeoisrepublikaner in Frankreich, die den feudalen Absolutismus bekämpfenden Bürger- und Bauernklassen auf dem gesamten europäischen Kontinent; daß der Sieg der "honetten Republik" in Frankreich gleichzeitig der Fall der Nationen war, die auf die Februarrevolution mit heroischenUnabhängigkeitskriegen geantwortet hatten; daß endlich Europa mit der Besiegung der revolutionären Arbeiter in seine alte Doppelsklaverei zurückfiel, in die englisch-russische Sklaverei. "

Ruth First, born in 1925, held multiple roles during the struggles of her time as a communist militant, journalist, researcher and leading intellectual in South Africa. Until her assassination in 1982, she was a committed anti-apartheid activist and was one of the many defendants of the Treason Trial and imprisoned without charge in solitary confinement for 117 days in 1963. Ruth First on a range of topics including the landmark 1956 Women's March, the workings of the apartheid state, and the history of anti-apartheid armed struggle against this state, introduced by an essay on First's life and legacy, written by Vashna Jagarnath, a labour activist who works in the office of the general secretary of the National Union of Metal workers of South Africa (NUMSA).

The Dark contains selected writings and talks from former Irish Republican Army volunteer, political prisoner, and Hunger Striker, Brendan Hughes. Focusing on the time after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, this new collection amplifies a voice the political mainstream worked doggedly to silence. With incredible wit, Hughes' words illustrate the struggles of revolutionary life after the GFA, and describe how the Agreement was never intended for his class-the working class. In addition to a carefully curated selection of Hughes' own writings, The Dark includes new essays from Republican veterans close to Hughes, as well as two previously unpublished communications to Hughes' brother, Terry, dating from the 1980 and 1981 Hunger Strikes, graciously donated by the Hughes family."At different times of the year Brendan will be remembered for different things. But during the week of the Good Friday Agreement, he is remembered for his swift distillation of what the Agreement meant. It was he who coined the phrase Got Fuck All, a play on the GFA acronym. For someone who went under the moniker of The Dark, he brought remarkable light to bear on situations others tried to obfuscate. The Dark has bequeathed to posterity many of his thoughts, whether on the Irish Republican struggle, the poor, or the Palestinians. A man with faults, foibles-and feet not grounded in clay."-Anthony McIntyre, Ph.D., Former Provisional Irish Republican Army Volunteer and Political Prisoner, Writer, and Historian¿"Announcing the start of the 1980 Hunger Strike in Long Kesh, IRA OC Brendan Hughes stated, 'We come in search of a 32-county Socialist Republic.' He called the Strike off on December 18th, saving the life of Sean McKenna, who had fallen into a coma. Above all else, Brendan Hughes was a freedom fighter with tremendous courage. He defied the British both insde and outside the prisons. And he died broken-hearted that his struggle had been sold out so cheaply by his former comrades." -Tony O'Hara, Lifelong Republican Socialist Activist, Former Political Prisoner, Author, and Musician"Just as Brendan, we [...] must continue the unfinished struggle of our ancestors, who smashed the Vikings at Clontarf in 1014, who massacred the English lords at Glenmalure in 1580, who littered the streets around Mount Street Bridge with the bodies of British soldiers in 1916, and who, being deprived of any other weapon in the concentration camps of Long Kesh in 1981 decided to use their bodies to show the British they were not defeated. We must remain true to the Republic and honour Brendan Hughes's memory by fulfilling the cause for which he sacrificed so much. Just as the mortally wounded Cú Chulainn refused to die lying down, and bound himself to a tree, succumbing to his wounds warrior like with his sword in his hand, The Dark refused similarly. Although scarred in body and mind from years of torture in Britain's concentration camps he stood true to the Republic and refused to sell out. He remained unbowed, unbroken, and the name of The Dark will live on in the hearts of all those who believe in a 32-county Socialist Republic forever."-D. Óg, "GFA Generation" Republican, Organizer, and Writer

This book is a basic text on Historical Materialism written for the common reader and not for other political theorists. It was used in political classes for workers in the council communist movement. It is even said to have had some influence on the early Chinese Communist movement.

The story of the Communist Party of Australia has been told in various ways. Until now, however, relevant archival collections have been relatively inaccessible to the ordinary, interested reader.