Politisk undertrykkelse og politisk forfølgelse

Stalinism, that particularly brutal phase of communism, came to an end in most of Eastern Europe with the death of Josef Stalin in 1953 or at least with the Khrushchev reforms that began in the Soviet Union in 1956. However, in one country - Albania - Stalinism survived virtually unscathed until 1990. The regime that the Albanian dictator Enver Hoxha led from the time of the communist takeover in 1944 until his death in 1985, and that continued unabated under his successor Ramiz Alia until 1990, was incomparably severe. Such was the reign of terror that no audible voice of opposition or dissent ever arose in the Balkan state, a European country that became as isolated from the rest of the world as North Korea is today. When the Albanian communist system finally imploded, it left behind a weary population, frightened and confused after decades of purges and political terror. It also left behind a country with a weak and fragile economy, a country where extreme poverty was the norm. In the decades since Hoxha's death, Albania has made substantial progress in political and economic terms, yet the spectre of Hoxha still lingers over the country.Despite this, many people - inside and outside Albania - know little about the man who ruled the country with an iron fist for so many decades. This book provides the first biography of Enver Hoxha available in English, from his birth in GjirokastEr in southern Albania, then still under Ottoman rule, to his death in 1985 at the age of 76. Using archival documents and first-hand interviews, Albanian journalist Blendi Fevziu pieces together the life of this tyrannical ruler, in a biography which will be essential reading for anyone interested in Balkan history and communist studies.

How did liberationist Christianity develop in Argentina between the 1930s and early 1970s? And how did it respond to state terrorism during the Dirty War?How did liberation theology develop in Argentina between the 1930s and early 1970s? And how did it respond to state terrorism during the Dirty War? Understanding the movement to be dynamic and highly diverse, this book reveals that ecclesial and political conflicts, especially over Peronism and celibacy, were at the heart of the construction of a liberationist Christian identity, which simultaneously internalised deep tensions over its relationship to the Catholic Church. It first situates the rise of a revolutionary Christian impulse in Argentina within changes in society, in Catholicism and Protestantism and in Marxism in the 1930s, before analysing how the phenomenon coalesced in the late sixties into a coherent social movement. Finally, the book examines the responses of liberationist Christians to the intense period of repression under the presidency of Isabel Peron and the rule of the military junta between 1974 and 1983. By exploring these distinct responses and uncovering the heterogeneity of liberationist Christianity, the book offers a fresh analysis of a movement that occupies a major role in the popular memory of the period of state terror, and provides a corrective to narratives that depict the movement as monolithic or as a passive victim of the dictatorship.

Elverbakken er en stærk fortælling om uforudsigelig kærlighed, stærk loyalitet og søsterskab på tværs af tid og rum. Celines tilværelse splintres, da hendes mand erklærer, han vil skilles. Med samme slag mister hun også sit arbejde på den skole, hvor han er rektor, og hun og børnene må finde et nyt hjem. De flytter ind i et gammelt hus i landsbyen Sunnanäng ved bredden af Siljansøen – et hus, hvor mange dramatiske kvindeskæbner har udfoldet sig. På husets loft finder Celine en gammel, slidt dagbog. I den beretter enken Emilia om et helt andet liv i en helt anden tid og om det nærtliggende Käringberget, hvor man i 1600-tallet brændte kvinder, man havde dømt som hekse.

In this latest book by the award-winning author of the hugely influential Male Daughters, Female Husbands, Ifi Admadiume propels gender relations beyond dichotomies and discriminations, and towards a power-sharing argument in discourse, contestation and resistance. Representing the culmination of over 40 years of ground-breaking work on notions of matriarchy at the intersection of the Igbo-African universe and the Western capitalist reality, Amadiume sets forth a blueprint for a bold new matriarchitarianism, critiquing all forms of social injustice with a shared matriarchal-relational humanism. In each chapter of the book, Amadiume applies these principles to a dazzling array of subjects: from religious leadership, kinship and family relations, to sexuality, creative writing and matters of conscience in race, class and gender. African Possibilities explodes our notions of matriarchy into original and compelling arguments, and offers a radical alternative approach to the world's entrenched injustices.

This annotation edition of Orwell's well-known satire is perfectfor students and Orwell enthusiasts alike. Extra wide margins anddouble spacing leaves lots of room for notes. Contains top tipson effective annotation and different revision techniques.

'One of the most important and timely books I've had the privilege to read' Corinne Fowler, author of Green Unpleasant LandA revelatory historical indictment of the long afterlife of slavery in the Atlantic world To fully understand why the shadow of slavery haunts us today, we must confront the flawed way that it ended. We celebrate abolition - in Haiti after the revolution, in the British Empire in 1833, in the United States during the Civil War. Yet in Black Ghost of Empire, acclaimed historian Kris Manjapra argues that during each of these supposed emancipations, Black people were dispossessed by the moves that were meant to free them. Emancipation, in other words, simply codified the existing racial caste system - rather than obliterating it. Ranging across the Americas, Europe and Africa, Manjapra unearths disturbing truths about the Age of Emancipations, 1780-1880. In Britain, reparations were given to wealthy slaveowners, not the enslaved, a vast debt that was only paid off in 2015, and the crucial role of Black abolitionists and rebellions in bringing an end to slavery has been overlooked. In Jamaica, Black people were liberated only to enter into an apprenticeship period harsher than slavery itself. In the American South, the formerly enslaved were 'freed' into a system of white supremacy and racial terror. Across Africa, emancipation served as an alibi for colonization. None of these emancipations involved atonement by the enslavers and their governments for wrongs committed, or reparative justice for the formerly enslaved-an omission that grassroots Black organizers and activists are rightly seeking to address today. Black Ghost of Empire will rewire readers' understanding of the world in which we live. Paradigm-shifting, lucid and courageous, this book shines a light into the enigma of slavery's supposed death, and its afterlives.

Theatrum Mundi ("the theatre of the world¿) describes the diversity of masks and performances that originated from the violent struggles between European, Arabic and ¿New World¿ civilizations. This authoritative study celebrates over 500 years of Mexican and South American Indigenous dance dramas and explains how mask makers, religious practitioners, masqueraders and entrepreneurs have helped to continuously reinvent, revitalize and express the changing world around them.The culmination of four decades of research by Dr. Anthony Shelton, professor of art history and director of the Museum of Anthropology (MOA) at the University of British Columbia, the text is illustrated by field photographs and images from MOA and other notable mask collections

Is there such a thing as 'the Israel lobby', and how powerful is it?

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2013 im Fachbereich Soziologie - Politik, Majoritäten, Minoritäten, Note: 1,7, Technische Universität Darmstadt, Veranstaltung: Kaukasus, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Der langandauernde Streit zwischen Aseri und Armeniern um die Region Bergkarabach stellt ein sicherheitspolitisches Problem für den Kaukasus dar und lähmt die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung der beteiligten Staaten Aserbaidschan und Armenien. Dieser brach nach dem Niedergang der Sowjetunion aus und hatte zur Folge, dass in beiden Ländern ¿ethnische Säuberungen¿ stattfanden, bei denen jeweils die Bevölkerung des Nachbarlandes vertrieben wurden. Die Region Bergkarabach und 20% des aserbaidschanischen Territoriums konnten von der armenischen Armee und Rebellen erobert werden. Während Bergkarabach seit 1991 jedes Jahr am 2. September die Unabhängigkeit feiert, gedenkt Aserbaidschan jährlich am 26. Februar den über 600 toten Aseri, die 1992 beim Massaker in Chodschali fielen. Seitdem befindet sich die Region Bergkarabach in einem Zustand, der weder Krieg noch Frieden ist und für ein dauerhaft angespanntes Verhältnis zwischen beiden Ländern sorgt. Die umstrittene Region hat für die jeweiligen Staaten eine mythologische und identitätsstiftende Bedeutung; so versuchen beide ihren rechtmäßigen Anspruch ¿durch die historische Besiedlung des Gebiets [¿] (und) die Instrumentalisierung der Geschichte¿ (Eder, 2008) zu untermauern. Für die Armenier stellt Bergkarabach ein 3000 Jahre altes Siedlungsgebiet dar. Die Aserbaidschaner hingegen streiten die armenische Abstammung der bergkarabacher Urbevölkerung ab und sehen hier ihre eigene Herkunft verwurzelt. Diese Voraussetzungen erschweren es für einen Außenstehenden Beobachter eine wissenschaftliche und nicht normative Übersicht über den Konflikt zu erlangen. In der folgenden Hausarbeit wird dennoch versucht die geschichtlichen Hintergründe des Bergkarabach-Konflikts und die Standpunkte der beteiligten Länder neutral zu beleuchten. Dabei werden die verschiedenen Etappen in der Auseinandersetzung herausgearbeitet. Anschließend sollen mögliche Lösungsansätze und Perspektiven für den Konflikt aufgezeigt werden.

"Antisemitism is one of the most controversial topics of our time. The public, academics, journalists, activists, and Jewish people themselves are divided over its meaning. Antony Lerman shows that this is a result of a 30-year process of redefinition of the phenomenon, casting Israel, problematically defined as the 'persecuted collective Jew', as one of its main targets. This political project has taken the notion of the 'new antisemitism' and codified it in the flawed International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance's 'working definition' of antisemitism. This text is the glue holding together an international network comprising the Israeli government, pro-Israel advocacy groups, Zionist organisations, Jewish communal defence bodies and sympathetic governments fighting a war against those who would criticise Israel."--

Amid ethnic violence, political corruption, and petty professionalintrigue, an artist tries to live free of lies.Set during the last years of the Soviet Union, StoneDreams tells the story of Azerbaijani actor Sadai Sadygly, who landsin a Baku hospital while trying to protect an elderly Armenian man from a gangof young Azerbaijanis. Something of a modern-day Don Quixote, Sadai has longbattled the hatred and corruption he observes in contemporary Azerbaijanisociety. Wandering in and out of consciousness, he revisits his hometown, theancient village of Aylis, where Christian Armenians and Muslim Azeris oncelived peacefully together, and dreams of making a pilgrimage of atonement toArmenia. Stone Dreams is a searing, painful meditation onthe ability of art and artists-of individual human beings-to make change in theworld.

Radical glossary of the vocabulary of policing that redefines the very way we understand law enforcement

'A remarkable tale of survival, in which Jewish life in pre-war Poland and the atrocities of the Holocaust appear through an almost dreamlike lens of childhood memory' Jeremy Dronfield, bestselling author of The Boy Who Followed His Father into Auschwitz'Mala's Cat is fresh, unsentimental and utterly unpredictable... This memoir, rescued from obscurity by the efforts of Mala Kacenberg's five children, should be read and cherished as a new, vital document of a history that must never be allowed to vanish' Julie Orringer for the New York Times__________Alone in a forest with only a cat for company - this is the deeply moving true story of one little girl's remarkable survival in the shadow of the HolocaustGrowing up in the Polish village of Tarnogrod, on the fringes of a deep pine forest, Mala has the happiest childhood anyone could hope for.But, when the Nazis invade, her beloved village becomes a ghetto and family and friends are reduced to starvation. Taking matters into her own hands, she bravely removes her yellow star, and sneaks out to the surrounding villages for food.On her way back she receives a smuggled letter from her sister warning her to stay away: her loved ones have been rounded up for deportation. With only her cat, Malach, and the strength of the stories taught by her family, she must flee into the forest.Malach becomes her family, her only respite from loneliness, a guide and reminder to stay hopeful even in the darkness.With her guardian angel by her side, Mala must find a way to navigate the dangerous forests, outwit German soldiers and hostile villagers, to survive, against all the odds.

Gennem sin fars og sin egen livshistorie fortæller kunstneren Ai Weiwei historien om Kina i de seneste 100 år. Ai Weiweis far, Ai Qing, som blev en berømt digter, faldt i unåde hos partiet under kulturrevolutionen og blev sendt i eksil. Ai Weiwei voksede derfor op i et barskt og øde område kaldet Lille Sibirien i det nordvestlige Kina, hvor faderen rengjorde de offentlige toiletter som strafarbejde. Her boede familien i 16 år. Da Mao døde, og kulturrevolutionen ophørte, kunne de tage tilbage til Beijing.I 1981 forlod Ai Weiwei sin familie i Kina, rejste til Amerika som en af de første kinesiske udvekslingsstuderende og blev en del af den amerikanske moderne kunstscene. I 1999 vendte han tilbage til Kina som internationalt kendt kunstner og politisk aktivist og dissident, hvilket i 2011 førte til en måneder lang hemmelig tilbageholdelse uden anklage. I dag bor han i Europa.1000 års glæder og sorger er en personlig, gribende historie om kontrol, erindring og det frie kunstneriske udtryk.

’En meget stærk og klar røst, som ikke viger tilbage for uden forbehold og på en meget tilgængelig måde at udstille kernen i zionismen og Israels politik i Palæstina. I en verden, som er forvirret over de mange konkurrerende fortællinger, misinformation og forfalskninger, er denne bog en fortræffelig guide til forståelse af omfanget af de forbrydelser, der bliver begået mod palæstinenserne, og til forståelse af, hvilke lidelser og hvilken undertrykkelse de udsættes for.’ Professor Ilan Pappe, Exeter Universitet, israelsk historiker og forfatter ’Denne bog beskæftiger sig rationelt og vidende med et emne, der næsten altid skaber temmelig meget ophidselse også, når det blot er titlen på en bog. Det kan godt være, at læseren ikke er enig i alt, hvad White påstår, men det er en meget prisværdig anstrengelse at kaste lys over et så belastet emne.’ Ærkebiskop Desmond Tutu, vinder af Nobels Fredspris Nærværende bog, der udkom i 2014, er anden udgave af hans første bog ’Israeli Apartheid: A Beginner’s Guide’, som udkom i 2009 på Pluto Press med forord af John Dugard, sydafrikansk professor og tidligere særlig rapportør for FN om menneskerettigheder i de besatte, palæstinensiske områder.

Efter USA lancerede sin krig mod terror har alverdens regimer brugt dette som anledning til at terrorstemple al modstand og oprør. De danske regeringer har underlagt sig USA’s udenrigspolitiske mål, og det har blandt andet betydet terrorstempling af palæstinensisk modstand mod besættelse, og kurdisk og colombiansk oprør mod undertrykkelse. Ikke bare den danske stat og domstole, men også de fleste medier har fulgt USA’s linje, og derfor har ensidighed været fremherskende. Derfor falder denne bog på et særdeles tørt sted. Gerry Leach giver en forklaring på, hvorfor FARC i 50 år har ført guerilla-krig, og hvorfor FARC ikke forsvinder, selvom FARC adskillige gange er blevet erklæret slået. Forklaringen er ganske enkel, at det ikke er FARC, der bestemmer, hvorledes den politiske modstand kan eksistere. Colombia har verdens største antal internt fordrevne og er præget af ekstrem ulighed og undertrykkelse. At forestille sig, at den colombianske stat vil tillade en demokratisk opposition, kan være svært. Drab og undertrykkelse hører stadig til dagens orden i Colombia. Dertil kommer, at Colombia er USA’s nærmeste ven i Sydamerika. Og USA vil næppe tillade at miste sin kontrol over Colombia.