Retsvæsen: dømmende magt

Den offentlige sektor skal slankes, er der nogen, der mener. Interesserer man sig lidt for den slags, kan jeg bidrage med denne bog, hvor det vil fremgå, at der er store muligheder for besparelser i en organisation som politiet, hvor der foregår et kæmpe spild af ressourcer, økonomisk som menneskeligt. Det skyldes blandt andet en ledelseskultur, der efter min klare opfattelse tangerer russiske tilstande, hvor løgn, trusler, straf, chikane og krænkelser sætter rammerne for, hvordan medarbejderne har det, og hvad de er i stand til at præstere. I marts 2019 blev jeg afskediget fra Københavns Politi, og jeg klagede efterfølgende til Justitsministeriet over den afgørelse og skrev samtidig, at Københavns Politi såvel som Rigspolitiet ville blive udleveret og udstillet detaljeret for det, de står for, hvis ikke der blev grebet ind overfor ledelsens opførsel. Justitsministeriet greb ikke ind, men valgte standardproceduren at henholde sig til Københavns Politis udtalelse. De gad ikke at undersøge nærmere, så de daværende overgreb på medarbejderne kunne være blevet stoppet.Det må vel være politikernes ansvar, at ledelsen i politiet er usund og ødelæggende for omgivelserne. Umiddelbart virker det ikke, som om der er nogen hjælp at hente fra den front, for vi har desværre erfaret, at det er pinlige ting, der foregår i Folketinget, og ikke mindst i den nuværende regering, hvor det umiddelbart virker, som om løgn og magtmisbrug er helt legitim opførsel.Der må være tale om en svag ledelse i politiet, for det virker ikke, som om de er i stand til at klare sig igennem arbejdsdagen uden brug af løgn, trusler, straf, chikane og krænkelser. Ud over at ødelægge medarbejderne, hindrer de en effektiv produktivitet og forringer ikke mindst den service, borgerne har betalt for.Med venlig hilsenAnna Sui KofodTidl. ansat i Københavns Politi

Nogle mener, debatten om ­udlændinge i Danmark er forbi. Rasmus Stoklund viser, at den er mere nødvendig end ­nogensinde.Danmark kan ikke slippe af med ­udlændinge, der har begået alvorlige forbrydelser mod danskere. Og det er ikke konventionernes skyld. Ansvaret ligger hos dommerne i Strasbourg, som har gjort Den ­Europæiske Menneskerettigheds­domstol til de hårdkogte forbryderes ­beskytter. ­Hensynet til seriekriminelle voldsmænds ret til familieliv og sundhedsbehandling vægtes alt for ofte højere end hensynet til forbrydernes ofre og de lande, som gæstfrit har taget imod dem.Men nu er grænsen nået.Med tanke på, at Den Europæiske Menneskerettighedskonvention blev til som følge af en af verdens­historiens største forbrydelser, Holocaust, er det tragisk, at Den Europæiske Menneskerettighedsdomstol ved vidtløftige fortolkninger underminerer sin egen legitimitet. Og alt imens dommerne i Strasbourg tiltager sig større politisk magt, ser Europas demokratier passivt til, mens det yderste venstre affejer enhver kritik som højrepopulistisk og fremmedfjendsk.

This Element offers a comprehensive examination of forensic linguistics in China. It traces the origins of the field in the 1980s and 1990s, and highlights the progress made in the 2000s, with a focus on the work of influential scholars such as Pan Qingyun, Wang Jie, Du Jinbang, Liao Meizhen, Yuan Chuanyou, and Wang Zhenhua. It discusses the development of Discourse Information Theory, the Principle of Goal, Functional Forensic Discourse Analysis, and Legal Discourse as a Social Process. It also analyses studies on language evidence and explores legal translation. It discusses emerging research areas, including cyberbullying language research, internet court discourse analysis, authorship analysis, expert assistance systems, and speaker identification and evidence of forensic phonetics. This Element provides valuable insights into the growth and potential of forensic linguistics in China, serving as a comprehensive resource for scholars, researchers, and practitioners interested in the intersection of language and law.

"Americans today are increasingly uneasy about the democratic weaknesses of their Federal Constitution. But for most of living memory that very Constitution has been idealized as near perfect. How could it be that this flawed system came to enjoy such intense veneration? In a striking reinterpretation of the American constitutional past, Aziz Rana connects the spread of a distinctive twentieth century American relationship to its founding document to another development rarely treated alongside it: the rise of the U.S. to global dominance. In the process, he highlights the role of constitutional veneration in shaping the terms of American power abroad, with ultimately transformative effects at home for narratives of nation and ideas of reform. In the process, Rana also explores the remarkably diverse array of movement activists-in Black, Indigenous, feminist, labor, and immigrant politics-that struggled to imagine a very different constitutional horizon, one grounded in equal and effective freedom for all and able to overcome the basic limitations of the consolidating legal-political system. These voices of opposition, including to the Constitution itself, have overwhelmingly been excised from constitutional memory. And yet they offer essential insights for making sense of our present difficulties, in which Americans find themselves bereft of the constitutional sureties that have long shaped collective life"--

Equal parts Dark Money and Democracy in Chains, Antidemocratic is a riveting yet disturbing history of the fifty-year Republican plot to hijack voting rights in America, its profound implications for the 2024 presidential election, and the crucial role that Chief Justice John Roberts has played in determining how we vote.In 1981, a young lawyer, fresh out of Harvard law school, joined the Reagan administration's Department of Justice, taking up a cause that had been fomenting in Republican circles for over a decade by that point. From his perch inside the Reagan DOJ, this lawyer would attempt to bring down one of the defining pieces of 20th century legislation--the Voting Rights Act. His name was John Roberts.Over thirty years later in 2013, these efforts by John Roberts and the conservative legal establishment culminated when Roberts, now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, wrote Shelby County vs. Holder, one of the most consequential decisions of modern jurisprudence. A dramatic move that gutted the Voting Rights Act, Roberts's decision--dangerously premised on the flawed notion that racism was a thing of the past--emboldened right-wing, antidemocratic voting laws around the country immediately. No modern court decision has done more to hand elections to Republicans than Shelby.Now lauded investigative reporter David Daley reveals the urgent story of this fifty-year Republican plot to end the Voting Rights Act and encourage minority rule in their party's favor. From the bowels of Reagan's DOJ to the walls of the conservative Federalist Society to the moneyed Republican resources bankrolling restrictive voting laws today, Daley reveals a hidden history as sweeping as it is troubling. Through careful research and exhaustive reporting, he connects Shelby to a well-funded, highly-coordinated right-wing effort to erode the power of minority voters and Democrats at the ballot box--an effort that has grown stronger with each election cycle. In the process Roberts and his conservative allies have enabled fringe conservative theories about our elections with the potential to shape the 2024 election and topple the foundations of our democracy.Timely and alarming, Daley offers a powerful message that, while Shelby was the misguided end of the Voting Rights Act, it was also the beginning of something far darker.

Many important opinions have been 5-to-4 split decisions. If nine of the best legal experts in the country cannot agree on what a statute or regulation means, how are average Americans to understand the law?!Chief Justice Roberts stated, "my job is to call balls and strikes." No, it's not! Not in a Free Republic! Justice Bradley understood, "It is the duty of courts to be watchful for the constitutional rights of the citizens, and against any stealthy encroachments [by Congress and Government.]" Three simple rule changes just might begin the process of restoring freedom.

The Conflict Over Judicial Powers In The United States To 1870 is a book written by Charles Grove Haines in 1909. The book explores the history of the conflict between the judicial and legislative branches of the United States government from the country's founding until 1870. Haines examines the debates, controversies, and legal battles that arose over the interpretation and application of the Constitution, particularly with regards to the powers of the judiciary. He also delves into the political and social context of the time, including the role of slavery and the Civil War, in shaping the development of the American legal system. This book is a valuable resource for anyone interested in the history of American law and politics, as well as the ongoing debate over the balance of power between the branches of government.This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the old original and may contain some imperfections such as library marks and notations. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions, that are true to their original work.

This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the original. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions that are true to the original work.

Tributes Of The Bar And Of The Supreme Judicial Court Of The Commonwealth To The Memory Of Walbridge Abner Field (1905) is a book published by the Massachusetts Historical Society. The book is a collection of tributes and eulogies given by members of the legal community in Massachusetts to honor the memory of Walbridge Abner Field, who was a prominent lawyer and judge in the state. The book features speeches given by colleagues, friends, and admirers of Field, including members of the Massachusetts Bar Association and the Supreme Judicial Court of the Commonwealth. The tributes offer insights into Field's life, career, and character, highlighting his contributions to the legal profession and his impact on the community. The book provides a valuable historical record of the legal community's response to the loss of one of its most respected members.Together With Memoirs Read Before The Massachusetts Historical Society.This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the old original and may contain some imperfections such as library marks and notations. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions, that are true to their original work.