Gør som tusindvis af andre bogelskere
Tilmeld dig nyhedsbrevet og få gode tilbud og inspiration til din næste læsning.
Ved tilmelding accepterer du vores persondatapolitik.Du kan altid afmelde dig igen.
Seminar paper from the year 2023 in the subject Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict, Security, grade: A-, Nanyang Technological University (S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS)), course: Intelligence in Peace & War, language: English, abstract: The report seeks to apprise the Intelligence Service Coordinator of the German Federal Chancellery of 1) the trajectory of Myanmar¿s (MMR¿s) POLITICAL SYSTEM till 2025 and 2) the potential impacts on MMR¿s NATIONAL SECURITY and Southeast Asiäs REGIONAL STABILITY.
Seminar paper from the year 2023 in the subject Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict, Security, grade: A-, Nanyang Technological University (S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS)), course: International Relations in Northeast Asia, language: English, abstract: The trajectory of rising US-Chinese tensions in the past decade, their future development into an ever-increasing rivalry or potential armed clash is a dominant topic debated in ¿International Relations Theory (IRT)¿. By selecting a particular IRT, analysts determine perceptions and optimistic/pessimistic attitudes regarding state-related interaction patterns. Here, the Western IRT discourse provides hard/soft power analyses which are criticized for a) being too parsimonious and fueling confrontative self-fulfilling prophecies (realism), b) projecting its Western-centric tenets onto a different cultural context leading to interventionism (liberalism), and c) being too optimistic about changing belligerent identities (constructivism). While eclectic approaches try to mitigate these shortfalls, they still omit the extant Chinese IRT, mainly revolving around relational power. In turn, the different Chinese perspectives are equally criticized for a) possessing ¿little¿ generalization potential due to their ¿Sino-centric¿ nature, b) transporting an ¿anti-Western¿ agenda, c) legitimizing Chinäs ¿political actions¿, and d) assuming a benevolent/ non-confrontative Chinese actor.Thus, the paper aims to add an eclectic meta-perspective to the debate by bridging the different IRTs with a systems dynamics analysis that translates/integrates the power dynamics into ¿Causal Loop Diagrams (CLDs)¿. It does so to offer an informed answer to the research question of which power dynamics characterize the US-Chinese rivalry and how they influence the future trajectory of their relations.
Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2016 im Fachbereich Politik - Thema: Internationale Beziehungen, Note: 1,1, Führungsakademie der Bundeswehr (Politik- & Gesellschaftswissenschaften), Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Das Erkenntnisinteresse der Arbeit liegt nach Auswertung des Themas in der Beantwortung der Frage, inwieweit der aus den Aussagen des Weißbuchs (WB) 2006 zu abstrahierende Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Ansatz im Vergleich zum Weltgipfeldokument 2005 heute als zweckmäßigeres R2P Modell fungieren könnte?"No government has the right to hide behind national sovereignty in order to violate the human rights [¿] of its peoples." Mit diesem Statement regte Kofi Annan nach dem Beginn der völkerrechtswidrigen Luftschläge durch die North Atlantic Treaty Or ganiza tion (NATO) im Kosovo eine Debatte zur ¿Responsibility to Protect (R2P)¿ an. Eine Debatte, die sich bis heute im Spannungsfeld zwischen völkerrechtlicher Legalität und dem ethisch moralisch als legitim Empfundenen bewegt.
Seminar paper from the year 2023 in the subject Politics - Topic: German Foreign Policy, grade: A, Nanyang Technological University (S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS)), course: Terrorism, Intelligence, and Homeland Security, language: English, abstract: Under the assumption that radicalized RFTF¿s had the assignment, skillset, and intention to seek opportunities to recruit and carry out terrorist attacks for the IS and, therefore, would impose a significant threat to national security, there should be a strategy to cope with this problem. This paper wants to analyse the approach to this issue in Germany, especially since they don't seem to have a comprehensive strategy to this day.Between 2011 and 2015, as a result of the violent conflict in Syria/ Iraq, U.S. and German intelligence reports estimated volunteers traveling to the conflict zone up to 36.500 stemming from 100 countries (thereof 960 Muslim men/ women from Germany = DEU). Their aim was to support the Islamic State (IS) and to take part in its war-fighting/ terrorist attack efforts. By 2019, 30% of the German fighters have returned, 103 were sentenced/ detained including ¿at least 80¿ with ¿military training¿ of whom 34 will be released in 2023. In anticipation of a future inbound flow of these combatants back to their homeland, the U.N. Security Council resolution 2178 called in 2014 all ¿Member States¿ to develop/ implement ¿rehabilitation and reintegration strategies for returning foreign terrorist fighters¿ (RFTF).
Seminar paper from the year 2023 in the subject Politics - Region: South Asia, grade: A, Nanyang Technological University (S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS)), course: Nuclear Politics in Asia, language: English, abstract: This paper will address the following research questions:To what extent will Japan's adjusted strategy (Independent Variable) have an impact on the deterrence effectiveness (Dependent Variable) and the security dilemma/ stability-instability paradox (Intervening Variables)?During 2022, Japan (JAP) saw deteriorating security dynamics with North Korea (NK) regarding missile tests, plans for building the world¿s strongest nuclear force, and bellicose rhetoric. These provocations aimed at compelling JAP to refrain from further conducting military exercises with the US and South Korea and reconsidering plans for ¿fundamentally¿ strengthening its ¿defense capabilities¿ and a ¿substantial increase of Japan¿s defense budget¿. In turn, JAP chose these measures to respond to NK¿scontinued violations of UN Security Council resolutions and increased threat perceptions. That culminated in the revision of its ¿National Security Strategy (NSS)¿/ ¿National Defense Strategy (NDS)¿ on 16 Dec. 2022, which aims atreinforcing the deterrence posture to 1) dissuade attacks against JAP or its US ally and 2) resolve the (nuclear) missile armaments/ test issue.
Case Study from the year 2022 in the subject Politics - Other International Politics Topics, grade: A-, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies,Nanyang Technological University (SAF-NTU Academy), course: The Analysis of Defence & Security Policies, language: English, abstract: Since the invention of gun powder, submarines, and airplanes, the continuous technological transformation in the realm of military capability development drives threat perceptions of nations as well as adjustments of strategies for offensive and defensive warfare. Discussed under the technical term ¿Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA)¿, the developments in 'Robotics' continue this trend as shown by the recent supply of U.S. ¿Phoenix Ghost¿ robotic kamikaze drones to the Ukraine. In addition, the combination with 'Artificial Intelligence (AI)' would lead to ¿brilliant weapons systems¿ capable of operating beyond human control and offering the opportunity to decrease casualty rates U.S. sources suggest that the Chinese armaments industry exported these weapons in 2019 to the Middle East, which cannot rule out that the technology also fell into the hands of terrorists. These developments set the stage for the presented case study and two research questions for Germany: How will 'AI & Robotics (AI&R)' as 'Independent Variable (IV)' affecta) the 'National Security (NS)' on the Grand Strategy level ('Dependent Variable = DV'),b) how wars will be fought on the Military Strategy level (DV)?
Seminar paper from the year 2022 in the subject Politics - Other International Politics Topics, grade: A, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies,Nanyang Technological University (SAF-NTU Academy), course: Maritime Security Studies, language: English, abstract: How useful are avoidance/mitigation of incidents agreements such as the Code of Unplanned Encounters at Sea (CUES) in reducing the risks of conflict and building confidence in the Indo-Pacific waters?The Indo-Pacific waters and, therein, the South China Sea (SCS) qualifies as the ¿center of gravity in global geopolitics¿. Foremost due to its attributes as a disputed area of sovereignty/dominion, its rich flow/stock resources, and crucial sealines of communication for world trade. To peacefully manage SCS¿s MARSAF and MARSEC , the literature suggests that over the past political/military leaders have built a profound framework of ¿Maritime Confidence-building Measures¿ (MCBM) to improve ¿awareness¿ and ¿governance¿ on a ¿strategic, operational and tactical¿ level. In particular, through the collaborative ¿security communities¿ concept (e.g., ASEAN, ADMM, ADMM Plus, WPNS, MMCA) and ¿legally binding and nonbinding instruments¿ (e.g., COLREG, UNCLOS, CUES). In contrast, from 2010 to 2020, increased hegemonic Chinese military and grey zone activities as well as Vietnamese/Indonesian/Philippine/Thai (re)actions led to 73 deliberate ship rammings/ chasings/harassings among the parties. Between 2016 and 2018, China conducted 18 risky close-distance maneuvers toward U.S. naval vessels in the Pacific.These numbers suggest a practical discrepancy, ¿compliance¿ shortfall, and ¿unsafe¿ behavior by the signatories (in particular by China), raising initial doubts about the utility of the MCBM framework to achieve its safety/security purposes. To scope the essay to a workable set of SCS related research questions, it will examine to which extent the nonbinding CUES ('Independent Variable') did/will prove useful:a) to increase MARSAF ('Antecedent Condition' on tactical and operational levels),b) to (then) increase MARSEC ('Dependent Variable' on a strategic level)?
Inhaltsangabe:Einleitung: Im ?Wissenschaftssystem? ist seit jeher ein kumulativer Effekt und damit Erkenntnisfortschritt nur denkbar, sofern Forscher untereinander auf die Selektionsleistung ihrer Kollegen zurückgreifen können und infolgedessen nicht gezwungen sind, jede Frage selbst zu beantworten. Diese Arbeit betrachtet die Wissens(ver)teilung jedoch vorwiegend in einem ökonomischen Kontext. Ziel des einleitenden Kapitels ist die Themenwahl der vorliegenden wissenschaftlichen Arbeit zu begründen sowie deren konkrete Zielsetzung und methodisches Vorgehen aufzuzeigen. In der Theorie begründen die Strukturen und Prozesse funktionsübergreifender Arbeitsgruppen ideale Voraussetzungen für Wissensgenerierung und Wissensaustausch. Anstatt individueller Einzelleistungen gewinnen hier die kollektiven Einzelbeiträge zum Gesamtprojekt in Form der Bereitstellung von Informationen und kritischen Wissensbeständen in hohem Maße an Bedeutung. Nur über ein ausgeprägtes individuelles Kooperationsverhalten und die Bereitschaft die eigenen Wissensbestände den anderen Arbeitsgruppenmitgliedern zugänglich zu machen, kann eine effiziente Zusammenarbeit und damit der Projekterfolg gewährleistet werden. Soweit zur Theorie. Jedoch besteht in der betrieblichen Wirklichkeit eine Kluft zwischen dem wünschenswerten Verhalten und dem realen Handeln. So kommt es bspw. häufig zu Doppelarbeiten und Ineffizienzen bei der Entscheidungsfindung aufgrund des Zurückhaltens von erfolgskritischen Informationsbeständen. Häufen sich derartige Verhaltensweisen und werden sie durch die beteiligten Mitglieder als solche wahrgenommen, ist ein verstärktes Misstrauen untereinander sowie eine verminderte gegenseitige Kooperationsbereitschaft zu erwarten. Eine Abnahme des Commitments zum Projekt und der Arbeitszufriedenheit kann infolgedessen nicht mehr ausgeschlossen werden. Vor diesem Hintergrund hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren eine Vielzahl von Studien mit den in der Praxis häufig auftretenden Barrieren der Wissensteilung beschäftigt. Die Ergebnisse verweisen dabei auf Hemmnisse wie dem fehlenden Bewusstsein der Mitarbeiter, der Einstellung ?Wissen ist Macht?, dem individuell übermäßigen Zeitaufwand, dem Konkurrenzdenken zwischen Mitarbeitern und Abteilungen sowie dem Mangel an nutzerfreundlicher Informationstechnologie. Diese Vielzahl an Hindernissen lässt also nicht auf einen ?automatisierten? Wissensaustausch innerhalb der Arbeitsgruppen schließen. Vielmehr scheinen [¿]
Tilmeld dig nyhedsbrevet og få gode tilbud og inspiration til din næste læsning.
Ved tilmelding accepterer du vores persondatapolitik.