Diplomati

Essay from the year 2016 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: Near East, Near Orient, grade: 1.7, University of Haifa, language: English, abstract: This paper aims to analyze the past, present, and potential future of the Palestinian Declaration of Independence of 1988, that is the historical background to it (past), its specific content (present), and the political consequences it brought along (future).The Israeli declaration of statehood (1948) was preceded by decades-long preparations on part of the Zionist movement. But the Palestinians also looked back on four decades of war, expulsion and dispossession, as well as military and political resistance.

This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the original. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions that are true to the original work.

Setting out to examine the world context within which American foreign policy must function, Mr. Kennan faces the hard facts of Soviet expansion, the ambiguous and often chaotic forces in the non-communist world, and the enormous difficulty of maintaining a posture of dignity and restraint in our foreign affairs. He warns against the dangers of relying on rigid military solutions, of over-estimating the capacities of the United Nations and other international peace-keeping institutions, and, in general, of looking at international life as a mechanistic rather than an organic process. It is in the inner development of our national life that he believes we can find solutions to our external problems, for American foreign policy will take its shape from the goals of American society.

Master's Thesis from the year 2002 in the subject Politics - Region: Eastern Europe, grade: 1 (A), University of Birmingham (Centre for Russian and East European Studies), course: East European Politics, language: English, abstract: The reformulation of the national interest in Hungarian foreign politics in the mid- and late 1980s paved the way for a domestic reform process which lead to the peaceful transition to democracy. Hungary's democratisation cannot be understood without a reference to the preceding reformulation of its foreign policy, e.g. with regard to its neighbour Romania with a large Hungarian minority. In the economic domain this process meant an opening up for Western influence and an increasing losening of Hungary's integration with COMECON and the Soviet bloc. Contemporary sources from Hungary, the Soviet Union and the West are extensively used to substantiate the findings.

Masterarbeit aus dem Jahr 2005 im Fachbereich Politik - Region: Afrika, Note: 2,3, Universität Hamburg, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Innerhalb von nicht einmal drei Jahren hat sich die für die Bewältigung heutiger Problem-lagen wie wirtschaftliche Unterentwicklung oder kriegerische Auseinandersetzungen ungeeignete ¿Organisation für Afrikanische Einheit¿ (OAU) in eine Organisation neuen Typs gewandelt, die sich ausdrücklich die europäische Einigung zum Vorbild nimmt.Neben der ¿Afrikanischen Union¿ (AU) sind weitere Initiativen und Organisationen entstanden, SO die ¿African Economic Community¿ (AEC) oder die ¿New Partnership for African Development¿ (NEPAD). Politische Einigung hat damit neue Dynamik erhalten.Ein Ziel dieser Arbeit ist der Vergleich der bisherigen Einigungsbestrebungen mit denen im Rahmen der europäischen Einigung und die Bewertung, ob das Modell der europäischen Einigung auf Afrika und speziell die AU übertragbar ist. Zudem wird eine allgemeine Einschätzung der Erfolgsaussichten der Einigungsbestrebungen versucht.Dabei werden die Erfolgsaussichten der afrikanischen Einigung nicht einzig an der europäischen gemessen, denn schließlich stellt diese nicht das einzig mögliche Modell dar. Es wird aber oft als Vorbild für die Einigungsbemühungen in Afrika herangezogen.Beim Vergleich afrikanischer und europäischer Einigung ergibt sich, gerade bei neueren Einigungsinitiativen wie der AU, das methodische Problem, eine gerade erst entstandene mit einer sich schon über beinnahe 50 Jahre entwickelnden Integration abzugleichen.Die AU steht erst am Anfang einer Entwicklung, ihre Organe sind gerade erst geschaffen worden. Konkrete Politiken fehlen größtenteils noch. Auf der anderen Seite stehen die EU und andere europäische Organisationen wie der Europarat und die OECD, in denen sich die Organe über einen langen Zeitraum entwickelt haben und die über sehr detaillierte Politiken und Instrumente verfügen. Dabei stellt sich dann die Frage, welches Integrationsstadium zum Vergleich herangezogen werden soll.Aufgrund dieser methodischen Schwierigkeiten beschränkt sich der Vergleich sich auf die zugrundeliegenden Prinzipien, Rahmenbedingungen und Entwicklungen.Für diese umfassende Fragestellung ist zunächst aber eine Bestandsaufnahme der Einigungstendenzen in Afrika nötig. Dabei werden nicht nur die neuen, sondern auch frühere Anläufe zu kontinentaler oder regionaler Einheit berücksichtigt. Gerade im Bereich der regionalen Wirtschaftsintegration gibt es zahlreiche Ansätze.

Magisterarbeit aus dem Jahr 2006 im Fachbereich Politik - Region: Naher Osten, Vorderer Orient, Note: 2,2, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn (Politisches Institut), Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Die Türkei war schon lange für den westlichen Beobachter die Pforte in das islamische Abendland. Sie war geheimnisvoll, ein wenig fremd und zuweilen undifferenziert bedrohlich. Demjenigen allerdings, der das Land bereiste, wurde schnell klar, dass es zwei Gesichter hat, zum einen traditionell und eher ärmlich, zum anderen modern und westorientiert. Dabei spielte und spielt der Islam in beiden Teilen der Türkei, dem Traditionellen und dem schnelllebigen Modernen, eine wichtige Rolle.Vor allem in der jetzigen Zeit, der aktuellen Diskussion um die Mohammed- Karikaturen und die Ausschreitungen, die selbst nicht vor der Türkei halt machten, ist es wichtig zu beobachten, wie die Türkische Republik mit dem Islam umgeht. Obwohl sich die Türkei als laizistisches Land sieht und das Militär sich als der Garant laizistischer Stabilität versteht, gehört der Islam zur Türkei, nicht zuletzt auch gestützt durch die konservativ-islamistische Regierungspartei AKP. Das Bild einer islamisch geprägten Nation, das die Medien derzeit präsentieren, ist ein Bild von radikal fundamentalistischen Islamisten, die alles daran setzen den Westen zu zerstören. Dies ist grundsätzlich falsch, da der Islam zunächst eine gewaltlose Religion ist, die, wie es auch in der Geschichte des Christentums zu finden ist, von Führern breiter Massen für ihre Ziele ausgelegt wird und somit den Radikalismus heraufbeschwört, der zu den Aktionen führt, die täglich die Medien beschäftigt.¿Das Verhältnis von türkischem Nationalismus und Islam ¿ Die Geschichte einer langen und nicht immer einfachen Beziehung¿ lautet der Titel dieser Arbeit. Im Mittelpunkt steht die nicht immer einfache Beziehung zwischen dem türkischem Nationalismus und dem Islam.

Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2005 im Fachbereich Politik - Region: Ferner Osten, Note: 1,3, Ruhr-Universität Bochum (Fakultät für Sozialwissenschaften), Veranstaltung: Seminar - Wirtschaftsordnungen im Vergleich, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: 1,28 Mrd. Menschen und eine Fläche von 9.597.995 Quadratkilometern, das ist China in statistischen Dimensionen ausgedrückt. Zum Vergleich: Deutschland hat eine Fläche von ca. 357.000 Quadratkilometern und eine Einwohnerzahl von ca. 82 Mill. Menschen. Allein diese Zahlen machen schon deutlich welch ein Gigant China ist, und dennoch gehörte das Land über lange Zeit zu den wirtschaftlichen Entwicklungsländern. Dies hat sich grundlegend geändert. China ist auf dem besten Wege auch wirtschaftlich ein Gigant zu werden. Mit einem durchschnittlichen Wirtschaftswachstum von 8% in den letzten 5 Jahren nimmt es die Spitzenposition unter den Industrieländern ein. China ist durch sein reichhaltiges Angebot an billigen Arbeitskräften mittlerweile zur Werkbank der Welt geworden. Jede zweite Digitalkamera, jedes dritte Handy und jede vierte Waschmaschine kommen aus China. 80% aller DVD Spieler, 70% aller Spielwaren und 50% aller Schuhe werden in China produziert. 2003 flossen ca. 53 Mrd. $ an Direktinvestitionen in die chinesische Wirtschaft. Im Verbrauch von Stahl, Kohle und Zement belegt China weltweit Platz 1. Im Erdölverbrauch rangiert nur noch die USA vor dem ¿Reich der Mitte¿.Wie aber kam es zu dieser Entwicklung, und wo nahm diese ihren Ursprung? Diese Arbeit soll den Prozess der Hinwendung Chinas zu mehr Marktwirtschaft und weg von der Planwirtschaft seit 1949 nachzeichnen. Welche Maßnahmen wurden ergriffen, und was waren die Auslöser für diese Schritte? Zum besseren Verständnis wird dieser Prozess zumindest ansatzweise in seinen historischen Hintergrund eingebettet. Als Einführung werden die beiden Systeme der Plan- und Verkehrswirtschaft im folgenden Kapitel 2 vorgestellt und erläutert. Des Weiteren soll untersucht werden, inwiefern es China gelungen ist, planwirtschaftliche und marktwirtschaftliche Elemente zu vereinen, und welche Schwierigkeiten sich daraus ergeben haben. Kann China den Spagat zwischen Kommunismus und Marktwirtschaft tatsächlich auf Dauer aufrechterhalten? Dieser Aspekt soll in einem abschließenden Fazit näher beleuchtet werden.

Updated for the Paperback EditionDuring his first term as secretary-general of the United Nations, Kofi Annan was one of the most widely admired men in the world. In 2001, he won the Nobel Peace Prize. Then the UN failed to stop war in Iraq and genocide in Darfur, and the institution was engulfed by the Oil-for-Food scandal. By the time Annan left office in December 2006, both he and the UN had suffered a terrible loss of standing.Did the UN's failures arise from its own structure and culture or from a clash with an American administration determined to go its own way in defiance of world opinion?In The Best Intentions, New York Times Magazine writer James Traub traces the entwined histories of Kofi Annan and the UN from 1992 to the present, and offers a definitive portrait of the institution's role in the age of American dominance.

War Made Easy cuts through the dense web of spin to probe and scrutinize the key ""perception management"" techniques that have played huge roles in the promotion of American wars in recent decades. This guide to disinformation analyzes American military adventures past and present to reveal striking similarities in the efforts of various administrations to justify, and retain, public support for war. War Made Easy is essential reading. It documents a long series of deliberate misdeeds at the highest levels of power and lays out important guidelines to help readers distinguish a propaganda campaign from actual news reporting. With War Made Easy, every reader can become a savvy media critic and, perhaps, help the nation avoid costly and unnecessary wars.

Does America, as George W. Bush has proclaimed, have a special mission, derived from God, to bring liberty and democracy to the world? How much influence does the Christian right have over U.S. foreign policy? And how should America deal with violent Islamist extremists?Madeleine Albright, the former secretary of state and bestselling author of Madam Secretary, offers a thoughtful and often surprising look at the role of religion in shaping America's approach to the world. Drawing upon her experiences while in office and her own deepest beliefs about morality, the United States, and the present state of world affairs, a woman noted for plain speaking offers her thoughts about the most controversial topics of our time. In The Mighty and the Almighty, Madeleine Albright examines the profound impact of religion on America's view of itself, the effect on U.S. policy of the rise of the Christian right, the Bush administration's successes and failures in responding to 9/11, the challenges posed by the war in Iraq, and the importance of understanding Islam. She offers a balanced but, when necessary, devastating analysis of U.S. strategy and condemns those of all faiths who exploit religious fervor to create divisions or enhance their own power. In this illuminating account, Albright argues that, to be effective, U.S. policy-makers must understand the power and place of religion in motivating others and in coloring how American actions are perceived. Defying the conventional wisdom, she suggests not only that religion and politics are inseparable, but that their partnership, when properly harnessed, can be a force for justice and peace.

This study, available for the first time in paperback, explores the normative dimension of the evolving role of the United Nations in peace and security and, ultimately, in governance. What is dealt with here is both the UN's changing raison d'etre and the wider normative context within which the organisation is located. The study looks at the UN through the window of one of its most contentious, yet least understood, practices: active involvement in intra-state conflicts as epitomised by UN peacekeeping. Drawing on the conceptual tools provided by the 'historical structural' approach, this study seeks to understand how and why the international community continuously reinterprets or redefines the UN's role with regard to intra-state conflicts. The study concentrates on intra-states 'peacekeeping environments', and examines what changes, if any, have occurred to the normative basis of UN peacekeeping in intra-state conflicts from the early 1960s to the early 1990s. One of the original aspects of the study is its analytical framework, where the conceptualisation of 'normative basis' revolves around objectives, functions and authority, and is closely connected with the institutionalised values in the UN Charter such as state sovereignty, human rights and socio-economic development. This book is essential reading for postgraduate students of IR and international peacekeeping organisations.

The book focuses on Aristide's political career, emphasizing his strategizing, compromising and dealing with the Clinton administration. In his presentation of the conflict, Girard carefully balances Aristide's and Clinton's needs, and the demands and moral positions the leaders make against each other - the result is that each leader and his constituency comes to life, and their maneuverings and decisions become engaging and meaningful. While Girard focuses on the conflict itself and the foreign policy dynamics at play between Haiti and the US, he also paints a compelling picture of contemporary Haiti and delineates with great clarity the tensions which led to recent violence and the deposition of Aristide.

National BestsellerNew York Times Editors' Choice Winner of the PEN Hessell Tiltman Prize Winner of the Duff Cooper PrizeSilver Medalist for the Arthur Ross Book Award of the Council on Foreign RelationsFinalist for the Robert F. Kennedy Book AwardFor six months in 1919, after the end of "the war to end all wars,” the Big Three—President Woodrow Wilson, British prime minister David Lloyd George, and French premier Georges Clemenceau—met in Paris to shape a lasting peace. In this landmark work of narrative history, Margaret MacMillan gives a dramatic and intimate view of those fateful days, which saw new political entities—Iraq, Yugoslavia, and Palestine, among them—born out of the ruins of bankrupt empires, and the borders of the modern world redrawn.

"Oil stands alone among primary commodities in its potential for sending economic shock waves across the world. The value of oil production is one and a half times the world's total production of food grains; demand is unresponsive to price in the short run; and the world's oil resources are heavily concentrated in the Middle East, where political disturbances have been chronic and oil supply is subject to sudden interruption. Together, these factors have made oil a virtual rogue elephant in the world economy since 1973.This book discusses the oil shocks of 1973-74, 1979-80, and the ""minishock"" of 1990-91, and examines the possibility of oil shocks over the next twenty years. The authors assess the world market outlook on the basis of underlying trends on world oil supply and demand. They take into account prospects for investment in oil production in the Persian Gulf states, the former Soviet republics, and Latin America; environmental factors and policies; and political uncertainties in the Middle East."

"An estimated 25 million people worldwide are internally displaced-a significantly larger population than the 18 million refugees. Victims of civil wars, forced relocation, communal violence, natural and ecological disasters, and gross violations of human rights, they lack such human necessities as food, shelter, clothing, safety, basic health, and education. But because they remain inside their countries, they don't receive the same protection and assistance from the international community as those who cross borders and become refugees. Their plight, however, is drawing increasing international attention.In March 1992, Francis Deng was appointed Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General to study this harrowing situation. In this book, a substantially revised version of his report to the UN, Deng examines the causes and consequences of internal displacement, the legal standards for protection and assistance, enforcement mechanisms, the prevailing conditions in the affected countries, and the urgent need for an international response.In a compelling first-person narrative, Protecting the Dispossessed follows Deng's investigation and is based on interviews and information from governments, international organizations, individuals, and visits to several countries in Europe, Africa, and Latin America.Deng argues that sovereignty entails a responsibility to ensure the safety and welfare of the citizens and to protect fundamental human rights; the international community must uphold this standard and make violators accountable. While he acknowledges that steps are being taken in the right direction, he maintains that there is still much to be done. He presents a bold proposal, one that requires substantial changes in the international system, in the politics of major governments, and in the relations between states. He proposes a three-phase strategy aimed at monitoring conditions worldwide: to detect impending crises, alert the international community to make a timely intervention, and where preventive measures fail, to mobilize collective international action to remedy or at least alleviate the situation."

The classic ninth edition of this essential reference work on international law is now available from Oxford University Press. It takes full account of the vast increase in the scope and content of international law since the Eighth edition, and in the range of available source material since the Eighth edition was published.

What is diplomacy? An art, a craft? Or something in between? Is there such a thing as a diplomatic secret recipe? What actually makes a good diplomat? What tips and tricks help to break the deadlock? When does humor help, when only bluffing? How do diplomatic cultures and styles differ in different countries? How undiplomatic can, and perhaps even must, a diplomat sometimes be? How does the work of today's diplomats differ from that of their predecessors? And why do we need diplomats today, when half the world is just a click away from the next video conference? In this book, renowned companions of Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger - including several current and former heads of state and government - reflect on basic questions of diplomacy. Taking the reader behind the scenes of diplomacy, they reveal their most astonishing experiences, successes, and failures on the diplomatic stage, or outline their ideas for the diplomatic handling of unresolved challenges. A book for anyone who wants to better understand what matters when negotiating war and peace.

Der Sammelband untersucht den Umgang ausgewählter Nationalstaaten mit der globalen COVID-19-Pandemie unter Anwendung des personenbezogenen Ansatzes der Politikwissenschaft. Der Band geht dabei von der grundlegenden These aus, dass sich der Umgang mit der Krise in entscheidendem Maße auf die Persönlichkeit und den Führungsstil der jeweils an der Spitze stehenden politischen Entscheidungsträgerinnen und Entscheidungsträger zurückführen lässt. Zu diesem Zweck nehmen die einzelnen Beiträge des Bandes ausgewählte Persönlichkeiten der Weltpolitik in den Blick, um deren Entscheidungen und Handlungen in der Coronakrrise zu untersuchen.

One of the Best Books of the Year:The Christian Science MonitorNPRThe Seattle Times St. Louis Post-Dispatch Chicago TribuneA New York Times Notable BookFinalist for the National Book Critics Circle Award in BiographyThe Arab Revolt against the Turks in World War I was, in the words of T. E. Lawrence, "a sideshow of a sideshow." As a result, the conflict was shaped to a remarkable degree by a small handful of adventurers and low-level officers far removed from the corridors of power.At the center of it all was Lawrence himself. In early 1914 he was an archaeologist excavating ruins in Syria; by 1917 he was riding into legend at the head of an Arab army as he fought a rearguard action against his own government and its imperial ambitions. Based on four years of intensive primary document research, Lawrence in Arabia definitively overturns received wisdom on how the modern Middle East was formed.

"Fascinating, shrewd . . . The book deftly traces the rhythms and patterns of Chinese history."-Michiko Kakutani, The New York TimesIn this sweeping and insightful history, Henry Kissinger turns for the first time at book length to a country he has known intimately for decades and whose modern relations with the West he helped shape. On China illuminates the inner workings of Chinese diplomacy during such pivotal events as the initial encounters between China and tight line modern European powers, the formation and breakdown of the Sino-Soviet alliance, the Korean War, and Richard Nixon's historic trip to Beijing. With a new final chapter on the emerging superpower's twenty-first-century role in global politics and economics, On China provides historical perspective on Chinese foreign affairs from one of the premier statesmen of our time.

Why is there so much conflict in the Balkans, the Middle East, and other parts of the world? Is there something innate in human nature that makes it next to impossible to achieve peaceful coexistence? This book says that answers must be sought in the prehistoric past when intergroup hostility became ingrained as a pattern of cultural evolution.

This book explores new grounds that public diplomacy is entering today, as domestic publics come to the forefront of the policy - acting both as foreign policy constituencies and public diplomacy actors cooperating with their foreign counterparts.

The conduct of public diplomacy is carried out as much abroad, by Foreign Service Officers (FSOs) stationed at U.S. embassies, as it is in Washington. This book focuses on what FSOs do in actual practice in field operations.

Diplomati og globalisering er en introduktion til de nye udfordringer, det internationale diplomati står over for, ikke mindst efter 11. september 2001. Som supplement til de traditionelle økonomiske og militære magtmidler foreslår forfatteren, at der i stigende omfang satses på ""soft power""-værdier og markedsføringen af dem, ""offentligt diplomati"" eller ""public diplomacy"". Bogen er en af de første internationalt baserede introduktioner til dette nye diplomatiske værktøj. Med eksempler fra USA, Kina og en række europæiske lande beskrives på teoretisk vis forbindelsen til begreber som konstruktivisme og soft power, ligesom der gives en række praktiske anvisninger på metoder og redskaber på området.Blandt de emner, der behandles, kan nævnes netdiplomati, kulturdiplomati, branding, benchmarking, propaganda, e-discussion, TV, personudveksling landeportal og nationalstat. Herudover behandler bogen public diplomacy´s betydning for områder som eksport, forskning, handel, investering, kultur osv. Bogen munder ud i en beskrivelse, der peger på public diplomacy som ""globaliseringens nødvendige redskab"".

I denne roman, som består af forfatterens fodnoter til en roman, som ikke er skrevet, er Armand V. hovedperson. Midt i 1960'erne ankommer Armand og hans bedste ven, Paul Buer, til Oslo og universitetet på Blindern. De er vokset op i den samme by langs Oslofjordens vestside, men nu havner de to venner i hver deres studieverden. Armand bliver filolog, Paul meteorolog. Og med sine klare politiske holdninger og modstanden mod det europæiske samarbejde gør Armand karriere som diplomat og ambassadør i verdens metropoler. Som usvigeligt loyal ambassadør spiller Armand V. sin rolle med en vis distance, men inderst inde er han en utro tjener for sit land.”Romanen er en litteraturhistorisk begivenhed i vor tid … Hvis sproget har sjæl – og det må man antage, at det har – og kan føle lykke, så er jeg sikker på, at det norske sprog græder af glæder, hver gang Solstad skriver.”- Dagsavisen